Noble Idealism 



be free to base peace upon generosity and justice to 

 the exclusion of all selfish claims for advantage even 

 on the part of the victors." 



To all these propositions Great Britain openly or //,, P ,. ,-, 

 tacitly assented, and the outlook for a rational peace, rational 

 even with victory, seemed to grow bright. That the pe ' 

 war would restore Belgium and France, free Alsace 

 and Lorraine, and work the downfall of the three 

 emperors, I had little doubt. And in the long course 

 of history the crumpling of a pasteboard Caesar and 

 the release of oppressed provinces were perhaps all 

 we had the right to expect. But in spite of the fact 

 that every international war has scattered the seed 

 of other struggles I came to hope that this would in 

 some way prove an exception. I trusted that from 

 his exalted position the President might have pros- 

 pects I had not, might glimpse the dawn of demobili- 

 zation, conciliation, economic freedom, and the 

 removal of the tyranny of frontiers. For the frontier 

 which should be an international bridge is throughout 

 Europe a yawning chasm. 



or 



From the beginning the youth of our land went Stanford's 

 forth with high resolve, and from among them, as ^r losses 

 already stated, 1 seventy-seven Stanford men gave 

 their lives for the ideals so finely set before the nation 

 by Woodrow Wilson. Of this number, James Grant 

 Fergusson of Ethiebeaton, Scotland, Arthur Clifford 

 Kimber, originally from New York, and Harold 

 Vincent Aupperle of Grand Junction, Colorado, came 



1 See Vol. I, Chapter xvn, page 423. 



C 743 3 



