Appeal to International Law 



Early in September, McDonell and I drew up a violations 

 statement setting forth notorious violations of inter- 

 national law already committed by Germany, he fur- 

 nishing the statutes and precedents and I gathering 

 the facts to the best of my ability. This document 

 we sent to President Wilson, urging him to verify the 

 details and protest against any present or future 

 infractions by either side. It seemed to us that such 

 protest was unquestionably due from the greatest of 

 neutral nations, one with no stake in the "Balance 

 of Power"; and that if repeated whenever occasion 

 demanded, it might modify war methods or even 

 help bring the conflict to an end. In any case it would 

 be an expression of world opinion to which the Ger- 

 man people might become increasingly sensitive. 



The Prussian war party then counted fully on Mistaken 

 American sympathy, or at least acquiescence. It 

 was freely asserted that "Americans care for nothing 

 but money and success," and Germany's success 

 they thought virtually assured. It was, moreover, 

 affirmed that most of ten millions of "German- 

 Americans" would stand by the Fatherland and vote 

 as directed from Berlin. Vigorous protest might have 

 disillusioned at least a part of the nation. But the 

 conventional message of congratulation from Wash- 

 ington on the Kaiser's birthday and the President's 

 personal exhortation to strict "neutrality in thought 

 and action" in the United States tended to strengthen 

 German belief in American approval. 



Our letter to Mr. Wilson having elicited no 

 response, I next urged the Carnegie Endowment 

 (though also without success) to send to Belgium a 

 neutral group like the Balkan Commission of Inquiry 

 to investigate alleged atrocities. For while some of 



c 643 n 



