A New W^orld Order 



In the book I undertook to support the President's 

 appeal for a new world order. 'Without that new 

 order," said he, "the world will be without peace. 

 The force of America is the force of moral principle." 

 This ideal was admirably phrased in his four im- 

 peratives proclaimed on February n, 1918, ampli- The Four- 

 fed into the famous 'Fourteen Points" before my 

 volume appeared. These maintained 



1. THAT each part of the final settlement must be based upon 



the essential justice of that particular cause, and upon 

 such adjustments as are most likely to bring peace that 

 will be permanent; 



2. THAT peoples and provinces are not to be bartered about 



from sovereignty as if they were mere chattels and pawns 

 in a game, even the great game, now forever discredited, 

 of the balance of power; but 



3. THAT every territorial settlement involved in this war must 



be made in the interest and for the benefit of the popula- 

 tions concerned, and not as a part of any mere adjustment 

 or compromise of claims amongst rival states; and 



4. THAT all well-defined national aspirations shall be accorded 



the utmost satisfaction that can be accorded them without 

 introducing new or perpetuating old elements of discord 

 and antagonism that would be likely in time to break the 

 peace of Europe and consequently of the world. 



On a basis such as this, I declared in a foreword, Necessary 

 international order must rest; modern civilization 

 will be content with nothing less. The acceptance of 

 these principles would mark the end of the medieval twn 

 era in world politics. It would square international 

 relations with the advances already achieved by 

 science, ethics, and religion within the social order. 



In developing my thesis at length, I again laid 

 stress on the contrast between the theory of a free 

 democracy and that of the all-powerful state as 



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