REPRESENTATIVE BODIES. 585 



himself against the royal party supported by the Pope. And whether 

 he sought thus to increase his adherents or to obtain larger pecuniary 

 means, or both, the implication equally is that the urban populations 

 had become a relatively important part of the nation. This interpre- 

 tation harmonizes with subsequent events. For, though the represen- 

 tation of towns afterward lapsed, yet it shortly revived, and in 1295 

 became established. As Hume remarks, such an institution could not 

 *'have attained to so vigorous a growth and have flourished in the 

 midst of such tempests and convulsions," unless it had been one " for 

 which the general state of things had already prepared the nation " ; 

 the truth here to be added being that this " general state of things " 

 was the augmented mass, and consequently augmented influence, of 

 the free industrial communities. 



Confirmation is supplied by cases showing that power, gained by 

 the people during times when the regal and aristocratic powers are 

 diminished by dissension, is lost again if, while the old organization 

 recovers its stability and activity, industrial growth does not make 

 proportionate progress. Spain, or more strictly Castile, yields an ex- 

 ample. Such share in government as was acquired by those industrial 

 communities which grew up during the colonization of the waste lands 

 became, in the space of a few reigns, characterized by wars and con- 

 solidations, scarcely more than nominal. 



It is instructive to note how that primary incentive to cooperation 

 which initiates social union at large continues afterward to initiate 

 special unions within the general union. For, just as external mili- 

 tancy sets up and carries on the organization of the whole, so does in- 

 ternal militancy set up and carry on the organization of the parts, 

 even when those parts, industrial in their activities, are intrinsically 

 non-militant. On looking into their histories we find that the increas- 

 ing clusters of people who, forming towns, lead lives essentially distin- 

 guished by continuous exchange of services under agreement, develop 

 their governmental structures during their chronic antagonisms with 

 the surrounding militant clusters. 



We see, first, that these settlements of traders, growing important 

 and obtaining royal charters, were by doing this placed in quasi-mili- 

 tant positions^became in modified ways holders of fiefs from their 

 king, and had the associated responsibilities. Habitually they paid 

 dues of sundry kinds equivalent in general nature to those paid by 

 feudal tenants ; and, like them, they were liable to military service. 

 In Spanish chartered towns " this was absolutely due from every in- 

 habitant" ; and "every man of a certain property was bound to serve 

 on horseback or pay a fixed sum." In France " in the charters of in- 

 corporation which towns received, the number of troops required was 

 usually expressed." And in the chartered royal burghs of Scotland 

 " every burgess was a direct vassal of the crown." 



