iz THE POPULAR SCIENCE MONTHLY. 



Take first the contrast between the early condition of the more 

 civilized European nations at large and their later condition. Setting 

 out from the dissolution of the Roman Empire, we observe that for 

 many centuries, during which conflicts were effecting consolidations, 

 and dissolutions, and reconsolidations in endless variety, such energies 

 as were not directly devoted to war were devoted to little else than 

 supporting the organizations which carried on war : the working part 

 of each community did not exist for its own sake, but for the sake of 

 the fighting part. "While militancy was thus high and industrialism 

 undeveloped, the reign of superior force, continually being established 

 by societies one over another, was equally displayed within each so- 

 ciety. From slaves and serfs, through vassals of different grades up 

 to dukes and kings, there was an enforced subordination by which the 

 individualities of all were greatly restricted. And, at the same time 

 that, to carry on external aggression or resistance, the ruling power in 

 each group sacrificed the personal claims of its members, the function 

 of defending its members from one another was in but small degree 

 discharged by it : they were left to defend themselves. If with these 

 traits of European societies in mediaeval times we compare their traits 

 in modern times, we see the following essential differences. First, 

 with the formation of nations covering large areas, the perpetual wars 

 within each area have ceased ; and, though the wars which from time 

 to time occur are on larger scales, they are less frequent, and they are 

 no longer the business of all freemen. Second, there has grown up in 

 each country a relatively large population which carries on production 

 and distribution for its own benefit ; so that, whereas, of old, the work- 

 ing part existed for the benefit of the fighting part, now the fighting 

 part exists mainly for the benefit of the working part exists ostensi- 

 bly to protect it in the quiet pursuit of its ends. Third, the system of 

 status, having under some of its forms disappeared and under others 

 become greatly mitigated, has been almost universally replaced by the 

 system of contract. Only among those who, by choice or by conscrip- 

 tion, are incorporated in the militant organization does the system of 

 status, in its primitive rigor, still hold so long as they remain in this 

 organization. Fourth, with this decrease of compulsory cooperation 

 and increase of voluntary cooperation, there have diminished or ceased 

 many minor restraints over individual actions. Men are less tied to 

 their localities than they were ; they are not obliged to profess certain 

 religious opinions ; they are less debarred from expressing their politi- 

 cal views ; they no longer have their dresses and modes of living dic- 

 tated to them ; they are comparatively little restrained from forming 

 private combinations and holding meetings for one or other purpose 

 political, religious, social. Fifth, while the individualities of citizens 

 are less aggressed upon by public agency, they are more protected by 

 public agency against aggression. Instead of a regime under which 

 individuals rectified their private wrongs by force as well as they 



