5 88 THE POPULAR SCIENCE MONTHLY. 



flow. Whatever the faults are of our richer classes, there is no lack 

 among them of generous giving. Take any newspaper, and you will 

 find that, although by unwise legislation we are closing many of the 

 great channels existing for their gifts, yet the quality persists. The 

 endowment of colleges at one period, the endowment of grammar- 

 schools at another period, gifts to religious institutions, and the sup- 

 port given to that narrow, partial, vexatious, and official-minded sys- 

 tem of education which prevailed up to 1870, are all evidence of what 

 the richer people are ready to do as long as you do not withhold the 

 opportunities. It may, however, he said, "Do not rich gifts bring 

 obligations, and with them their mischievous consequences ? " It is 

 plain that the most healthy state of education will exist when the 

 workmen, dividing themselves into natural groups according to their 

 own tastes and feelings, organize the education of their children with- 

 out help, or need of help, from outside. But between obligatory and 

 voluntary contributions there is the widest distinction. There is but 

 slight moral hurt to the giver or receiver in the voluntary gift, pro- 

 vided only that the spirit on both sides be one of friendly eqyality. It 

 is the forced contribution, bringing neither grace to the giver nor to 

 the receiver, which has the evil savor about it, and brings the evil con- 

 sequence. The contribution taken forcibly from the rich is justified 

 on the ground that the thing to be provided is a necessity for which 

 the poorer man can not pay. Thus the workman is placed in the odious 

 position of putting forward the pauper's plea, and two statements 

 equally deficient in truth are made for him : one, that book-education 

 is a necessity of life a statement which for those who look for an 

 exact meaning in words that are used is simplu not true ; and the 

 other, that our people can not provide it for themselves if left to do 

 so in their own fashion.* 



I wish to push still further the question of how much real power 

 the workman possesses over the education of his children. I maintain 

 that, setting aside the interference of ministers, merchants, manufac- 

 turers, doctors, lawyers, and squires in his affairs, he has only the 

 shadow and semblance of power, and that he never will possess any- 

 thing more substantial under a political system. Let us see for what 

 purposes political organization can be usefully applied. It is well 

 adapted to those occasions when some definite reply has to be made to 

 a simple question. Shall there be peace or war ? shall political power 

 be extended to a certain class ? shall certain punishments follow certain 

 crimes ? shall the form of government be republican or monarchical ? 

 shall taxes be levied by direct or indirect taxation ? These are all ques- 

 tions which can be fairly answered by Yes or No, and on which every 

 man enrolled in a party can fairly express his opinion if he has once 



* At the same time a thorough and radical readjustment of our educational endow- 

 ments is required in the interest of the workmen, who, though in most cases having the 

 first claim, derive little or no advantage from them. 



