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TEE POPULAR SCIENCE MONTELY.— SUPPLEMENT. 



consequence. To illustrate this, I may quote here 

 part of an unpublished letter, written in October, 

 1861, by a man who now occupies one of the 

 highest positions in the administration. At that 

 time he was regarded as ultra-liberal, and conse- 

 quently we may assume that, relatively speaking, 

 he did not take a very alarmist view of the situa- 

 tion. Here is what he says, writing to a near 

 relative : 



" You have not been long absent — merely a few 

 months ; but, if you returned now, you would be 

 astonished by the progress which the opposition — 

 one might say the revolutionary party — has already 

 made. The disorders in the university do not re- 

 late merely to the students. I see in the affair the 

 beginning of serious dangers for public tranquillity 

 and the existing order of things. Young people, 

 without distinction of costume, uniform, and ori- 

 gin, take part in the street demonstrations. Be- 

 sides the students of the university there are the 

 students of other institutions, and a mass of peo- 

 ple who are students only in name. Among these 

 last are certain gentlemen in long beards and revo- 

 lidionnaires in crinoline who are of all the most fa- 

 natical. Blue collars — the distinguishing mark of 

 the students' uniform — have become the signe de 

 ralliement. Almost all the professors, and many 

 officers, take the part of the students. The news- 

 paper critics openly defend their colleagues. Mik- 

 ha'ilof has been convicted of writing, printing, and 

 circulating one of the most violent proclamations 

 that ever existed, under the title of ' To the Young 

 Generation.' Among the students and the littera- 

 teurs there is unquestionably an organized con- 

 spiracy, which has perhaps leaders outside the 

 literary circle. The Polish students have not yet 

 spoken out in this movement, but they are so self- 

 confident that. . . . The police are powerless. 

 They arrest any one they can lay their hands on. 

 About eighty people have been already sent to the 

 fortress and have been examined, but all this leads 

 to no practical result, because the revolutionary 

 ideas have taken possession of all classes, all ages, 

 all professions, and are publicly expressed in the 

 streets, in the barracks, and in the ministries ! I 

 believe the police itself is carried away by them. 

 What all this will lead to it is difficult to predict. 

 I am very much afraid of some bloody catastrophe. 

 Even if it should not go to such a length imme- 

 diately, the position of the government will be ex- 

 tremely difficult. Its authority is shaken, and all 

 are convinced that it is powerless, stupid, and in- 

 capable. On that point there is the most perfect 

 unanimity among parties of all colors, even the 

 most opposite. The most desperate 'planter' 1 

 agrees in that respect with the most desperate so- 



1 An epithet commonly applied, at the time of the 

 emancipation, to the adherents of serfage and the defenders 

 of the proprietors' rights. 



cialist. Meanwhile those who have the direction 

 of affairs do almost nothing, and have no plan or 

 definite aim clearly in view. At present the em- 

 peror is not in the capital, and now, more than at 

 any former time, there is complete anarchy in the 

 absence of the master of the house. There is a 

 great deal of bustle and talk, and all blame they 

 know not whom." 1 



The expected revolution did not take place, 

 but timid people had no difficulty in perceiving 

 signs of its approach. The press continued to 

 disseminate under a more or less disguised form 

 ideas which were considered dangerous. The 

 Kolokol, a Russian paper published in London by 

 Herzen, and strictly prohibited by the Tress-cen- 

 sure, found its way regularly into the country, 

 and was eagerly read by thousands. The youth, 

 it was said, was being corrupted by socialistic 

 ideas. Young girls of respectable family had 

 been heard to express most objectionable views 

 on the subject of matrimony. Not a few sus- 

 pected that a great Nihilist organization had been 

 secretly formed for the overthrow of society ; and 

 this suspicion found confirmation in several great 

 fires which broke out in St. Petersburg and other 

 towns, and which were believed to be the work 

 of Nihilist incendiaries. 



Soon a new event came to strengthen the reac- 

 tionary influences. In the beginning of 1863 the 

 Polish insurrection broke out. That ill-advised 

 attempt on the part of the Poles to recover their 

 independence had a curious effect on Russian 

 public opinion. There was at that time in Russia 

 a very large amount of generous liberal sentiment, 

 which was, perhaps, not very deep, but was at 

 least genuine so far as it went. Both the govern- 

 ment and the better section of the educated classes 

 were ready to grant to Poland very considerable 

 concessions. The Poles were to have their own 

 administration and almost complete autonomy, 

 under the viceroyalty of a Russian grand-duke. 

 Whether the scheme would have succeeded, if the 

 Poles had showu sufficient political tact and pa- 

 tience, is a question that need not here be dis- 

 cussed. Political tact and patience are not promi- 

 nent features of the Polish character, and cer- 

 tainly they were not displayed on this occasion. 

 The new administration committed some grave 

 mistakes, and the Poles appealed to arms. As 

 the news of the rising spread over Russia, there 

 was a moment of hesitation. Those who had 

 been for seyeral years habitually extolling liberty 

 and self-government as the necessary conditions 



1 For obvious reasons I refrain from naming the writer 

 of this letter, which accidentally fell into my hands. 



