SECRET SOCIETIES IN RUSSIA. 



417 



It would be interesting to trace the connec- 

 tion between these secret revolutionary societies 

 and the great intellectual movement which took 

 place in the educated classes after the Crimean 

 War, and produced the beneficent reforms of the 

 present reign. Want of space prevents me from 

 entering on that investigation. All I can say for 

 the present on this subject is, that these socie- 

 ties are the illegitimate and monstrous progeny 

 of that movement. Many of the agitators claim 

 to be disciples of Tchernishefski — a man who 

 held the most influential position in Russian pe- 

 riodical literature during the time of the emanci- 

 pation, and who was afterward exiled to Siberia, 

 where he is still living — but I venture to think 

 that he could not recognize them as such, and I 

 am quite certain that he could have no sympathy 

 with those specimens of the class whom I have 

 seen. If we accept a novel which he wrote 

 while in solitary confinement, and which cannot 

 fairly be considered an exposition of his real 

 views in his serious moments, we find everywhere 

 in his writings a large amount of common-sense 

 and moderation. In the conversation of the few 

 agitators whom I have met I have always found 

 the reverse — a strange farrago of pedantry, child- 

 ishness, and political fanaticism. 2sot long ago 

 I was favored with a visit from one of these gen- 

 tlemen. During several hours I listened atten- 

 tively to his tirades, and endeavored, immediate- 

 ly after his departure, to put on paper what I had 

 heard ; but I must confess that, though not with- 

 out considerable practice in that kind of work, I 

 failed completely. Beyond the ordinary stereo- 

 typed phrases about tyranny, obscurantism, "the 

 cursed bourgeoisie," " exploitation " of the peas- 

 antry, and the like, I could recall nothing. My 

 visitor spoke Russian during the interview, but 

 his dissertations were interlarded with Russified- 

 French words, showing plainly the source of his 

 inspiration. Such men do a grievous wrong to 

 the man whom they call their teacher, and whom 

 they profess to revere ; for the authorities, though 

 disposed to clemency, think that they cannot 

 safely liberate one whose name is used as a 

 watchword by unscrupulous political fanatics. 

 This is, no doubt, a grave consideration ; but I 

 think that more importance is attached to it than 

 it deserves. Surely, at the present moment, 

 when so much is said about justice and humani- 

 tarianism, the government might do a graceful 

 and politic act by liberating a man who unques- 

 tionably did good service in the cause of serf-eman- 

 cipation, who systematically discountenanced all 

 foolish political demonstrations, and who has 



27 



more than expiated, during fifteen years, any 

 youthful indiscretions he may have committed. 



A few words in conclusion regarding the real 

 importance of these secret societies. Do they 

 constitute a real danger for the state ? Any one 

 who knows Russia well will not hesitate, I be- 

 lieve, to answer this question in the negative. 

 Even some of the agitators have come to per- 

 ceive the folly of their conduct. Here is the 

 literal translation of a letter written by a mem- 

 ber of the secret society above described. I 

 preserve, as very characteristic of the movement 

 in general, the pedantic, pseudo-scientific style 

 in which the document is written. Referring to 

 the impetuous, inconsiderate conduct of one of 

 the female members of the society, the writer 

 says: 



" I explain her conduct by her complete subjec- 

 tion to the desire of acting in a certain direction 

 without thinking of consequences, and by the 

 want of critical power or perhaps by the desire 

 not to consider the thing critically. We ought at 

 last to look into the past and learn from experi- 

 ence. It is time for us to give up running our 

 heads against a stone-wall. She wishes to act in 

 a ' rude,' ' democratic ' sphere, but she forgets that 

 if she now gives way to her impulse, she will be 

 again within a month in prison, and she will 

 thereby deprive herself of all possibility of ever 

 doing anything. Further, such impulsive action 

 at the present time, when so many people are in 

 prison, is a bit of extreme egotism and a giving 

 way to personal feeling. All the authorities are 

 now alarmed and on the watch. Their nervous 

 system and their feeling of revenge are excited. 

 Their fears are exaggerated. Every new attempt 

 of the kind will not only be quickly discovered 

 and end in the ruin of those engaged in it, but it 

 will at the same time strengthen and keep up the 

 present excitement among the authorities, and 

 make them act more energetically against those 

 who have fallen into their hands. Is it not, then, 

 extremely egotistical to give way to personal feel- 

 ing, and to disregard the fate of hundreds who 

 will surfer in consequence ? Besides this, it will 

 greatly injure the people by calling forth a series 

 of repressive measures which have a prejudicial 

 influence on the national life. That is the more 

 evident side of the question. But there is anoth- 

 er side which may be called the principal one. 

 Are all problems solved accurately so as to admit 

 of no doubt ? Surely experience is not altogether 

 silent. What is the people ? Not only are the 

 problems not solved, but they are not accurately 

 stated. Experience must lead to doubt. Tho 

 thing is that Russian radicalism is merely an ab- 

 stract logical conclusion, founded on an untrust- 

 worthv basis of sentiment and an ignorance of the 



