ON THE EVOLUTION OF THE FAMILY. 131 



ments, and having no weapons but their agricultural inplements who 

 are industrially advanced to the extent that there is exchange of ser- 

 vices, and that the men do all the out-of-door work ; and they are 

 monogamous. Similarly the monogamous Lepchas are wholly un- 

 warlike. Such, too, is the relation of traits in certain societies of the 

 New World distinguished from the rest by being partially or entirely 

 industrial. Whereas most of the aborigines of North America 

 habitually polygynous, live solely to hunt and fight, the Iroquois had 

 permanent villages and cultivated lands, and each of them had but 

 one wife. More marked still is the case of the Pueblos, who, " walling 

 out barbarism " by their ingeniously-conglomerated houses, fight only 

 in self-defense, and when let alone engage exclusively in agricultural 

 and other industi'ies, and whose marital relations are strictly mono- 

 gamic. 



This connection of traits in the simpler societies, where not trace- 

 able directly in the inadequate descriptions of travelers, is often trace- 

 able indirectly. We have seen that there is a natural relation be- 

 tween constant fighting and development of chiefly power: the impli- 

 cation being that where, in settled tribes, the chiefly power is small, 

 the militancy is not great. And this is the fact in those above-named 

 communities characterized by monogamy. In Dory there are no 

 chiefs ; among the Dyaks subordination to chiefs is feeble; the head- 

 man of each Bodo and Dhimals village has but nominal authority ; 

 the Lepcha flees from coerci(i^ ; and the governor of a Pueblo town is 

 annually elected. Conversely, we see that the polygyny which pre- 

 vails in simple predatory tribes persists in aggregates of them welded 

 together by war into small nations under established rulers, and fre- 

 quently acquires in them large extensions. In Polynesia it character- 

 izes in a marked way the warlike and tyrannically-governed Feejeeans ; 

 all through the African kingdoms there goes polygyny along with de- 

 veloped chieftainship, rising to great heights in Ashantee and Daho- 

 mey, where the governments are coercive in extreme degrees. The like 

 may be said of the extinct American societies : polygyny was an attri- 

 bute of dignity among the rigorously-ruled Peruvians, Mexicans, 

 Chibchas, Nicaraguans. And the old despotisms of the East were 

 also characterized by polygyny. 



Allied with this evidence is the evidence that in a primitive pred- 

 atory ti'ibe, all the men of which are warriors, polygyny is generally 

 diff"used ; but in a society compounded of such tribes, polygyny con- 

 tinues to characterize the militant part, while monogamy begins to 

 characterize the industrial part. This diflferentiation is foreshadowed 

 even in the primitive predatory ti'ibes ; since the least militant men 

 fail to obtain more than one wife each. And it becomes marked 

 when, in the growing population, there arises a division between 

 warriors and workers. 



Still more clearly shall we see the connection between militancy 



