SCIENCE AND PHILOSOPHY OF RECREATION. 783 



and art-galleries, as well as the privileges and advantages of entering 

 them, than have the members of workingmen's clubs ; and I doubt not 

 that, if the upper and the lower classes were for a few months to 

 change places, petitions to Parliament of the kind which Lord Thurlow 

 presented would be more numerous and more generally signed. But 

 what does this argue ? Surely not that we, who best know the cultur- 

 ing value of these institutions, ought to use the comparative ignorance 

 of those who do not as an argument against extending to them the 

 opportunity of ascertaining that value. On the contrary, in whatever 

 degree indifference can be proved of the working-classes in this mat- 

 ter, it would seem to me a strong argument in favor of instilling into 

 them a more lively perception of the educational advantages of such 

 institutions ; and this can only be done by throwing open these insti- 

 tutions on the (virtually) one day in the week when the classes in 

 question are able to visit them. Of course, it may be said that the 

 alleged indifference arises, not from ignorance of the value of such 

 institutions, but from a preponderant sense of Sabbatarianism on the 

 part of the working-classes. But, supposing the alleged apathy to 

 exist, and supposing it to arise from the latter cause alone which I 

 deem highly improbable I still think it would constitute no valid 

 argument against the proposed reform. We are all, I take it, agreed 

 upon the recreative as well as what Lord Beaconsfield called the civil- 

 izing influence of the institutions in question ; so that, upon the sup- 

 positions which I have made, the only issue to be considered is as to 

 whether these benefits would be more than counterbalanced by the 

 evils of offending the sense of Sabbatarianism which is assumed so 

 largely to predominate among the working-classes. And this intro- 

 duces us to the second and only other argument which was adduced 

 by Lord Beaconsfield. He said : " In all questions into which the 

 religious sentiment enters, it is highly desirable that no change should 

 be effected that is not called for by the expression of a very predomi- 

 nant sentiment on the part of the people." If this means that legisla- 

 tion ought not to interfere aggressively with the religious sentiments 

 of the many, it is, no doubt, a proper utterance ; but, if it means that 

 the socially harmless and even beneficial recreation of the many is to 

 be prohibited by the particular religious sentiments of the few and 

 this is what it does mean if the words are taken to mean what they 

 say then I think the utterance is most improper. The idea which 

 underlies this utterance seems to be that the religious sentiment is of 

 so much value to the state that it ought to be tenderly fostered in all 

 its ramifications, even to the extent of preventing reforms conceded 

 to be beneficial, lest they should prune the twigs of the structure thus 

 tenderly fostered. Now,- 1 do not wish to enter on the question as to 

 how far the religious sentiment is of value to the state ; for I think it 

 is quite obvious in the present case that, let us place this value as high 

 as we choose, the contemplated reform can not be other than complete- 



