156 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [memoirs national 



•"•"" [vol. XXIII, 



In the usual adverbial position we find: 



hake'la he'c'ena ski'bibila-'ic'i'c'aga the youngest one at once made himself into (a little bird). If 

 connected with the preceding sentence this would be 'iya'yapi c'qke' he'c'ena hake'la, etc., they 

 went and so at once, etc. 87.7 



In many cases the subordinate clause functions as an adverb and opens the sentence. This 

 happens always when the subject of the subordinate clause differs from that of the finite verb. 



t'i-'i'le hcehq'l mat'o 'e'l '%" when the house was burning Mat'o' (Bear) arrived there; — mat'o' t'i' 'He 

 hcehq'l 'e'l 'i" when Bear was house-burning he (another one) arrived; — mat'o' t'i' ki 'He' hcehq'l 

 'e'l 'i" when Bear's house was burning he (another one) arrived. In both these cases the 

 substitution of kH to arrive going back (to one's own) for 'i' to arrive going would indicate that 

 the subject of the finite verb and of the subordinate clause is the same. With k'i the locative 'e'l 

 may be omitted 



When several verbs connected by nq (and) occur in the same clause and refer to the same 

 subject, the various modal particles of the imperative, interrogative, future, the declarative and 

 its derivatives are added only to the last verb. 



The plural pi and the negative sni are repeated with coordinate verbs: 



'u'pi nq wqya kapisni why don't they come and see it!; — he'c'ena ya'hqpi nq . . . 'e'l 'ihx(nipi then 



they were going and . . . they arrived there 153.6 

 he'c'y. nq yuha '\yqk\ nq c'qo't'ehika k\ ekta e'ihpemayq yo' take that and holding it run and in thick 



woods there leave them 161.1; — t'iyo't'ipi ki 'e'l y\ nq leya' yo' go to the council tent and say 162.5 

 lena to'k'esk'e luha'pi nq le'c'anyjiq he? how did you get these and are doing this? 200.14; also 218.12 

 wo'lapi nq waya'tkqpi kte they will eat and drink 

 wo'tapisni nq nakvj waya tkqpikte sni or wo'lapi nqi's waya tkapikte sni they will neither eat nor drink 



§ 168. TENSES 



Future. — The future (present and past) is expressed by kta following the verb. 



letq nq'pac'q k\hq t'iyo' le-ivau kte 'oya'te k{ 'owi'c'akiyaka ', 'ehi'kte lo' from here (now) two days when 

 (it is), house-seeking (seeking food) I shall come; the people tell them, you will say 143.11; — 

 niya'te ' e' yapahawic'asikte lo. c'qnqmi^pikta c'a your father will order them to announce it. I shall 

 smoke because — ; — zuze'ca wq wo'kihqpikta-ic'ila k'% tqye'la g.na'yqpi a snake considering for him- 

 self that they would cook for him, the aforesaid thoroughly they deceived him 81.14; — 'owo't'qla k'es 

 'og.la'kesni, wak'u'kta tk'a' straightway instead why doesn't she tell it, I should have given her 

 168.17 



Present and past. — In simple, declarative sentences present and past are not distinguished. 

 If it is required to indicate time more accurately adverbs like he'hq' at that time, 'ehq'ni 

 long ago, Voka' 'ekta' in former times, Htal-'ehq' yesterday, le' , lehq'l, now, the present situation, 

 wana' lehq'l right now, etc., must be added. 



In subordinate clauses the time relation of subordinate and principal clause is expressed. 

 Relative clauses: 



wac'i'pi k'% hena' walu'k'api' those who danced are weary, or, those who had danced were weary; — 

 viae' i pi ki hena' walu'k'api' those who are dancing are weary, or in narrative: those who were 

 dancing were weary; — k'oska'laka wq wi'yq k\ wo'kiyakahe c'y. he' heya'p Hya'ya, c'qke' le 'u' k\ he' 

 wik'o skalaka k\ 'ao'hom.ni 'iya'ya a youth who had been talking to the woman, that one away 

 went, and so this one who had come, that one went past and around the young woman 51.12; — 

 p'e'ta hiyo'ilalapi k'q slolya' he knew that you had gone for fire 40.10 (see also 73.16) ; — t'e'hq k'uhq' 

 wana 'ak'e' . . . 'au' when after a long time, now again . . . he brought him 84.8; — yustq' k'-uhq 

 hoksi'la ki icu' when he had finished it the boy took it 99.2; — 'og.mi'g.ma nihi'yupi k\hq maya'pat'a- 

 pikte cis iS when you come rolling down you will crush me dead 91.9; — lehq'l ni' '"q yy/k'q's 'ani'- 

 lowqpi k'o'kta tk'a' ye' at present if he had been alive you would even have been sung over 15.8 



In all these and similar cases the absolute time is not implied, only the time relation of the 

 clauses. It is only incidental that yy,'k'q's-tk'a' which express a conditional contrary to fact, 

 always refers to the past. 



" Teton uses often in this position kit notwithstanding the change of a to e. 



