116 HINTS TO ELECTORS. 



to convince them of the efficacy of a Reformed Parliament. The state 

 of their pockets will convince the most sceptical among them, Lord 

 Eldon himself, that the Bill is no nullity for the people. A den of 

 thieves, overpowered by constables, and divested of their booty, may 

 deplore the ill-fortune which has arrested their ingenious career prema- 

 turely; but they will scarcely have the egregious folly to ask the 

 owners of the stolen goods, who stand round them, each claiming his 

 property, what they are the better for the apprehension and breaking 

 up of their gang. So will it be with the public appropriators, politely 

 called Tories. When they see the people re-possessed of their property, 

 and enjoying it, they will dislike Reform, that great thief-taker, as 

 cordially as ever ; but they will hardly question its utility to the public. 



The Bill must get a fair trial. If it is a good Bill, the nation must 

 not be cheated out of its advantages by any remissness in the electoral 

 body. If it is a bad Bill, there are two motives to exertion first, to 

 get as much good out of it as possible; secondly, to enable us to deter- 

 mine with precision what ulterior provisions are called for. When an 

 engine, that is vigorously worked, fails to perform a given operation 

 suppose the raising of a certain weight we know it is the fault of its 

 mechanism, and we can calculate what additional power it requires ; 

 but if it is worked feebly, we are at a loss to decide how far the blame 

 is to be ascribed to original misconstruction, or subsequent mismanage- 

 ment. In like manner, if the constituency of the country make every 

 honest exertion to maximise the benefits derivable from the new system 

 of representation ; and if it shall appear that, after all, the great deside- 

 ratum of good and cheap government is unattained, we shall merely 

 have to consider whether our legislative machinery ought not to have 

 its momentum increased by the ballot, or annual parliaments, or a wider 

 extension of the right of voting : whereas, an opposite conduct on the 

 part of the electors would embarass public opinion ; prevent the country 

 from arriving at a fair judgment upon the merits of the Bill; and pos- 

 sibly give rise to a groundless feeling of dissatisfaction with its provi- 

 sions. Let the measure, therefore, of the Whig cabinet, be submitted 

 to a fair experiment ; let it be the object of all reformers, to make it 

 operate so as to effect its purpose, and content the nation. That a vast 

 deal of abuse may be removed by its instrumentality, we are sure. 

 When we have ascertained the furthest extent to which it will go, in 

 rooting up aristocratic corruption, and establishing popular power, it 

 will then be time enough to propose broader and bolder measures. 



Aye, Mr. Stanley ! broader and bolder measures we w r ill propose ! 

 broader and bolder measures we will have ; should this Bill, which we 

 eulogize, which we admire, which we call on the reformers of England 

 to try fairly and patiently, should this Bill, we say, disappoint our 

 hopes, redress our grievances too tardily, elevate the people too little 

 it is not a pruning-hook we want to lop the branches ; but an axe to lay 

 to the root of the free. The " Secretary-at-war with Ireland," tells us, 

 in his ignorance and insolence, that the Bill is final : he means that we 

 have got all the power that we have a right to ask for, or which he will 

 consent to grant us. This is surely ignorance, for to speak of final 

 measures in politics, is the same folly as to speak of final improvements 

 in mechanics : it is insolent, for it assumes, not obscurely, that the Bill 

 is a concession of the Whig aristocracy, not a deference to the declared 

 opinion of the people. W T e do not counsel Mr. Stanley to be more phi- 



