Notes on America. 37 



" kicking up a row." I once met a party of these worthy fellows in what 

 Mr. Jefferson would have termed'*' the full tide of successful experiment," 

 shouting " Grattan for ever ! " and knocking down all who would not declare 

 themselves in favour of General Geddes, the democratic candidate for Go- 

 vernor, whom, in the warmth of their Irish recollection, they compared to 

 Henry Grattan. A few broken heads and extra gallons of rum are, how- 

 ever, of no great consequence. The most serious part of the business is 

 to follow, in the shape of duels, and family quarrels j which almost invari- 

 ably, among the higher classes, arise from these election contests, in the 

 southern states, 



While I am upon this subject, it may be as well to describe the method by 

 which, notwithstanding the use of the ballot-box, the Americans contrive to 

 scrutinize the votes of those whose fidelity to their party is suspected. Pre- 

 viously to the day of election, a most thorough and strict canvass is made, 

 and every man's promise is recorded. Of course in America, as in Eng- 

 land, many of the pledges are given under an undue influence, and these 

 are the parties who must be watched when they come up to vote. The 

 ballot-box is placed on a stand before the chairman or assessor, and when 

 the paper containing the name of the candidate is laid upon it, he slips it 

 carefully through the orifice, having first ascertained by the pressure of 

 his finger that there is only owe, a very necessary precaution, as sometimes 

 the number of votes given has greatly exceeded that of the voters. A 

 double line of the most acute electioneerers of each party reaches from the 

 chair to the door, and the voter passes through the middle, having previ- 

 ously received from parties stationed at the entrance a paper with then^r^ 

 name inscribed upon it. If the individual has been bribed, or is suspected 

 of treachery, he is required to carry the paper in such a way as to satisfy 

 those appointed to watch him, that he has not changed it. Should he 

 neglect or refuse to do so, he is supposed at once to be playing false he 

 is branded as a traitor, and the patronage of the deceived party is with- 

 drawn. Of course all these circumstances do not occur at every election, 

 but this was the plan adopted during a severe contest at Hartford, in Con- 

 necticut, the proceedings at which I examined very closely. 



I was residing at Charleston, at the period of Mr. Jefferson's decease. 

 A stranger, or one unacquainted with the state of political feeling in 

 America, must have imagined that no statesman was ever more deeply 

 reverenced when living, or regretted when dead, than this gentleman. 

 This opinion seems to prevail very generally in England, and is supported 

 by the writings of the Americans, who, since his death, have been profuse 

 in their expressions of admiration of his character and actions. The pub- 

 lication of his life and correspondence, cautiously selected by a very friendly 

 hand, has tended to confirm and perpetuate the delusion ; for that it is a 

 delusion, the following facts, not sufficiently known, or attended to, in. 

 England, will, T think, prove beyond a doubt : 



It was matter of notoriety some time previous to Mr. Jefferson's de- 

 cease, that his private circumstances were in the greatest disorder. It 

 was his peculiar ambition to stand well as a philosopher and a gentleman 

 in the opinion of Europeans, who were always received and entertained 

 by him with unusual politeness, hospitality, and expense. He had lived 

 beyond his income, and was greatly in debt. An attempt was made by his 

 friends to procure from Congress a grant of public land or money to re- 

 lieve the necessities of the author of the declaration of independence. This 



