BRITISH ARISTOCRACY. 239 



height. We know that our titled brethren cannot become greater as 

 men, till they have been made less as lords ; and, deeming God's crea- 

 tion of manhood preferable to man's institution of peerage, we sum up 

 against suffering lords to remain any longer grovelling in lordliness. In 

 mere brotherly love we feel bound not to be deterred by the fear of seeming 

 rude and uncharitable, from shouting aloud into the lordly ear, " Com- 

 mon men are now at least even with you in the race of humanity ; unless 

 you promptly shoot a-head in morals and intellect, nothing can save you 

 from eventual degradation and contempt/' 



And let not lords think to shelter theselves behind the imaginary 

 shield of what is called The Constitution." The spirit of the Consti- 

 tution, whatever its letter may here and there express to the contrary, 

 did not contemplate the absolute co-endurance of lordliness with the soil 

 and climate and population of England. The Constitution merely con- 

 verted an institution which it found already in existence, to the seeming 

 wants and views of the existing society. We interpret the Constitution 

 to mean Bonum Publicum, and nothing else ; and have therefore no 

 serious fault to find with the Constitution ; but, if this were not the case, 

 why should we hesitate to set aside the Constitution, as well as any 

 other arrangements of preceding ages? If the Constitution insisted 

 upon our propping up, and fostering nobility, in opposition to the current 

 experience and judgment of the day, we should be apt to sum up against 

 the provisions of the Constitution in the words of Samuel Johnson. 

 " Nothing can make that great, which the decree of nature has ordained 

 to be little : the bramble may be placed in a hot bed, but can never be 

 forced into an oak." 



We have on a former occasion, asserted that the depreciation of no- 

 bility could not be arrested through the increase of religious sentiment 

 resulting from enlarged popular intelligence ; because it is impossible 

 for a reader of the bible not to be impressed by the contemptuous terms 

 in which it speaks of the grandeur and luxury of the world ; of all in 

 fact, which it is the object of nobility, as at present constituted, to foster 

 and maintain. It may help to strengthen our present argument, if we 

 here dwell a little upon the similar unfriendliness to nobility of our Con- 

 stitutional records, when interpreted by an adequate intelligence. 



The Constitutional power of the House of Lords in theory, amounts 

 to the domination over England of a lordly family; nor do we 

 deem it at all absurd to differ in theory to the wishes and opinions 

 of such a body of wealthy and distinguished men, (we do not mean 

 morally distinguished, but as having been marked out for honour by 

 society) as constitutes the House of Lords. We believe that great good 

 results to society at large from the existence of classes and offices of 

 honour, from which none are by caste excluded. One of the prime 

 blessings of life, a system of general urbanity, and respect for the 

 feelings, as well as the rights of others, seems to us to be unattainable in 

 the present condition of the world without such classes and offices. 

 Thus the Constitutional privileges of the House of Lords are, when 

 rightly interpreted, useful to us all. They are to be considered as a 

 political compliment conceded by those who are aiming at wealth ^ and 

 honour to those who have already attained them. But the Constitutional 

 records establish also, positively and carefully, privileges for the 

 people; and the downright incompatibility of the two classes of 



