ACTUAL VALUE OF ENGLISH NOBILITY. 379 



however, to gain his point, he may enlarge upon the topic of danger, 

 we do not, we cannot, give him credit for sincerity. We consider him 

 affected by the common weakness, especially under circumstances of* 

 great excitement, of assigning a different motive for the accomplishment 

 of a desired end, than the one which really influences ; we set him down 

 for wishing, not to save his country from a possible danger, but to wreak 

 his vengeance on nobility for the political miseries they have brought 

 upon us. Our preceding articles on the subject of nobility will prove 

 us to be fully alive to the delinquencies of our titled brethren. We 

 have not a word to say in their favour. Whatever punishment might 

 be inflicted upon them, we think they would richly deserve. We are 

 not arguing now for them, but for ourselves ; that the future growth of 

 England in prosperity and happiness may not be stunted and deformed 

 by the pestilential blight of ill manners ; that the urbanity of political, 

 as well as social intercourse, may be shielded from the ungenial blasts of 

 unfounded and inhuman popular pretensions. 



A word or two more, and we have done. 



Hereditary distinctions promote outlay in the encouragement of the 

 arts and sciences. Men of wealth will not expend upon articles of taste 

 and display, if by so doing they only exasperate their fellow-citizens 

 into louder assertions of the equality of all men. If they cannot ob- 

 tain from the state a formal recognition of their being, in a political 

 sense, the superiors of those they employ, they will accommodate them- 

 selves to circumstances, and stopping short of the pleasures of refined 

 taste, shut themselves up, and wallow in their sties amidst gross sensual 

 indulgences. 



The due exertion of national energies requires some generally coveted 

 and attainable premium to excite it. The dignities and emoluments of 

 office will not supply this excitement, because office can fall to the lot of 

 comparatively very few. The prospect of wealth will stimulate some 

 for luxury's sake ; others for the mere love of possessing it ; but, after 

 independence and competency have been attained, the only universal 

 incentive to exertion is the desire of distinction, or more than the ave- 

 rage share of the world's attention and respect. This distinction cannot 

 be obtained in a free country, but by interposition of the governing 

 power, confirming by its mandate the right of the possessors of what 

 the world deems good, to honorary distinction from those who have not 

 yet succeeded in their pursuit of it. 



Those who have accumulated, will, it is true, whether ennobled or 

 not, consider themselves the superiors in society ; but in a free state, 

 superiority will not be allowed them beyond the circle of their own 

 dependents, unless the governing power ratify the claim : for as it is 

 natural to claim respect, in those who possess, so is it a satisfaction to 

 those who possess not, to refuse it. Men who have no hopes of suc- 

 ceeding themselves, are prone to delight in diminishing the success of 

 their neighbours. Thus, unless the governing power interfere to settle 

 the dispute, it is impossible for the rich and poor, in a free country, to 

 regard each other with kindness. Wherever there are many wealthy 

 men, enabled by their property to live differently from the multitude, 

 they will withdraw from all communion with it, if they are taunted with 

 rude pretensions to equality. We may be quite sure, without having 

 travelled in America, that there cannot be so good an understanding 

 there, between the wealthy and working classes, as there is in England 



