1832.] The "New Bill." 13 



The other qualification is stated as follows. Every person occupying a 

 house of the value of 10/. a year shall possess a vote provided he be 

 rated for poors' rates, and every person occupying such house can de- 

 mand to be rated. The elective franchise acquired by birth or servi- 

 tude, under the present system, is to remain untouched, excepting as 

 regard out- voters living at the distance of more than seven miles from the 

 borough. We know that the class of present freemen in the generality 

 of boroughs will not be degraded by the admission of the 10/. house- 

 holders, and consequently that the principle of their election will be 

 equally sound. The qualification for the county does not destroy the 

 rights of the present 40.9. freeholders, but enacts that no person shall 

 be entitled to vote in respect of any freehold lands or tenements whereof 

 he may be seised for his own life or other lives, unless the same shall be 

 worth 10/. a year above all rents and charges. Every lessee for the 

 period of 60 years of tenement worth 10/. a year beside rent, &c., or for 

 20 years of 50Z. value, is qualified to vote for knights of the shire. The 

 object of the change in the qualification for counties is obvious. 



The test of the importance of the borough is now, the number of 

 houses coupled with the rent at which they rated for assessed taxes for 

 the year ending April before last. 



Such is the bill which the enemies of reform aver, will render the 

 government democratical. Let us admit the utmost that the most un- 

 bending anti-reformists can require, that the people by the proposed bill 

 be enabled, if they please, to return a democratical House of Commons. 

 We deny that even this would bear out their opposition. Experience 

 shews us (not to mention the qualification requisite for representatives), 

 that public opinion in all countries has never been arranged against the 

 property and talent of a nation but in extreme cases. In proof of this, 

 we might instance examples of all ages and all countries ; but we 

 content ourselves with looking at home, and we find that even in the 

 most unbiassed elections, competent wealth or talent have always 

 marked out the successful candidate. Still we do not deny that in an 

 extreme case of oppression, the people could and would assert their 

 right. And who can deny but that they have the power, and very justly 

 so ; it is a reserve force requisite to preserve the constitution when all 

 other means have failed. There are many reserved powers of the con- 

 stitution which are discretionary ; but must not be called into action 

 except in extreme cases : we allude to the King's power of creation of 

 peers, and general pardon of criminals ; which would be subversive of 

 all order, were it exerted to the full extent, the prerogative of both 

 houses to put the veto on any measure, is one that would be exceedingly 

 pernicious if wantonly exerted. In fact, no power can be entrusted, 

 whether executive or legislative, without making it discretionary, and 

 all discretionary power may be liable to abuses in extreme, but gene- 

 rally inprobable cases. 



Lord Porchester took the lead in opposition to the second reading on 

 Friday, Dec. 16, and prefaced his amendment (that the bill should 

 be read this day six months,) with a tissue of inconsistencies alike 

 worthy of the orator and his subject. According to Lord Porchester, 

 the principle of the bill is, the total sacrifice of the landed interest to the 

 " democratical ;" but he shrewdly intimates that it is probable that it 

 may prove a failure, that so diabolical an end may not be answered, or 

 in other words, that the bill may not prove what he actually affirms it 



