12 The New Bill." [JAN. 



of authority in the king ; but though the power has passed from his 

 hands, it has not passed from the constitution, and a temporary discon- 

 tinuance does not imply a cession of the right. Never "was there a more 

 forcible example of the fatal effects of small bodies of electors, than 

 under the Roman republic. The citizens, during a considerable period, 

 gave their votes by centuries, and so great influence did the patricians 

 obtain over these minute bodies, that the Roman elections never escaped 

 from their yoke. The change in the Swedish government may be 

 traced to a similar agency; the Swedes had formerly great political 

 privileges, and deputed persons to represent them, but the nobles ob- 

 tained an ascendancy in their power, and all the form of a liberal govern- 

 ment vanished. 



The argument of Lord Mahon, (see speech on the second reading,) 

 against the destruction of nomination boroughs, is somewhat singular. 

 "It is very easy to say where the nomination begins, but who shall say 

 where it ends ? Nomination began with Old Sarum and Gatton, but 

 where did it end ? The city of Chester had known the influence of 

 nomination. Was there no county in which nomination existed ?" 

 This only renders the measure the more necessary ; and besides, we 

 might whisper in Lord Mahon's ear, that, if the extent and facility of 

 bribery and nomination are so great as to influence cities and counties, 

 the disfranchisement of a few boroughs will not seriously affect the 

 nominators. 



The transfer of the franchise to larger boroughs, is consonant both 

 with ancient custom* and the principle of the statute, de tallagio non 

 concedendo. The anti-reformers still complain that the transfer of the 

 franchise to boroughs, where the aristocracy have no influence, gives a 

 fatal preponderance to the commercial interest, and that the landed in- 

 terest is not competently represented. We must beg leave to remind 

 them of their position, that the boroughs without representatives, were 

 virtually represented by the other members such as those for nomina- 

 tion boroughs, and certainly, in the present case, the members for 

 large towns newly enfranchised, will prove as good protectors of the 

 landed interest as the nomination members were before of the commer- 

 cial interests. The landed interest also, it should be remembered, is 

 much involved in the commercial interest, and has in a great measure 

 kept pace with it. s( The greatest and most important branch of the 

 commerce of every nation/' says Adam Smith, " is that which is car- 

 ried on between the inhabitants of the town and those of the country. 

 Whatever tends to diminish in any country the number of artificers 

 and manufacturers, tends to diminish the home market, the most impor- 

 tant of all markets for the rude produce of the land, and thereby still 

 further discourages agriculture." Again, the nomination system, though 

 at present favourable to the aristocracy, will not necessarily remain so ; 

 but boroughs will naturally fall, with other property, into the hands of 

 commercial men. The system has evidently had that tendency ever 

 since its open commencement in the elections of 1747 and 1754, and 

 the time may come when these boroughs may pass into the power of 

 persons much less favourable than the middle commercial interest to 

 them. It is a new principle, and its effect has not yet been expe- 

 rienced fully. 



* Vide Hallam's Constitutional Hist. vol. 3. 



