ULTRA RADICALISM. 39 



pation of their slaves a benefit to the latter. The Radical will not 

 countenance the slaves, any more than the mob-clients of the Ultra- 

 Radicals, in destruction and incendiarism. If, after the assassination, 

 and burning, and destruction, the slaves could with justice seize the 

 remaining property, or could equitably adjust differences with their 

 former masters, the Radical would perhaps choose the limited extent 

 of violence and mis-rule necessary to attain the ultimate benefit. But 

 the slaves abroad cannot, and must not be, any more than the workies 

 at home, trusted with the means of settling affairs as they please. 

 Should they be thus trusted, they would infallibly institute a system 

 against which their former masters would be justified in waging war; 

 nor could the evils of such a state of things be less, but must be 

 greater to all parties, than any which at present belong to the con- 

 dition of slavery. The radical knows, and admits, the necessity and 

 legitimate use of the physical force of the workies, and of course, 

 also, of the slaves, at junctures of hopeless oppression. But, if ever 

 there can be hope of final adjustment without violence, surely, thinks 

 the Radical, that blessed day has dawned upon England and her de- 

 pendencies ! and surely the work of enlightening the popular mind 

 and humanizing the popular temper must be allowed to proceed for 

 some time longer ere a sound politician would not rather hold slaves, 

 as well as workies, a little back, than urge them a little on. 



The Radical would expect his candidate, as a matter of course, 

 and, in consistency with general principles, to urge or help a Govern- 

 ment to check hasty, much more tyrannical punishment of sailors 

 and soldiers. If the Radical found a considerable, or even numerically 

 respectable, division upon this subject in the army and navy, he 

 would turn his serious thoughts to it, and expect his candidate to ex- 

 press at least an opinion on the expediency or non-expediency of the 

 power of flogging. But, mixing with soldiers and sailors, and finding 

 them, though in other respects differing, what may fairly be called 

 unanimous in supporting the necessity of the power of very severe cor- 

 poral infliction being lodged with officers, the Radical really would 

 deem himself an impertinent personage for meddling in the matter 

 at all, and considers his ultra brethren reprehensible, in point of com- 

 mon sense, for doing so. 



The Radical is for preserving the Church property, at least for 

 some years to come, for religious purposes. He is no stickler for any 

 of the paraphernalia and mere circumstance of the present absurd 

 and corrupt system. But he knows the religious sentiment must be, 

 for ages to come, perhaps as long as man is man, publicly expressed ; 

 and as inspiration cannot be procured, he wants all the philosophy 

 and mental refinement which money is the only general means for 

 obtaining, in those who are selected to preside over and influence 

 this expression. Tithes the Radical deems a monstrous mode of 

 maintenance for any men who can do nothing without the good- will 

 of their neighbourhood ; but the Radical will not let the country 

 gentlemen pocket a shilling more from that portion of tithe, which is 

 strictly public property, The Radical knows how they have profited 

 by this already, arid is for making them pay up, therefore, to the 

 uttermost farthing of the actual value, when the Government shall 



