CAN THE TORIES TAKE OFFICE AFTER ALL ? 595 



ately the difficulties commenced so soon as the Tories had rallied 

 their forces, and prepared to make a stand against this popular mea- 

 sure, then was the time for some of the liberal papers to uphold the 

 ministry ? to proffer support ? to extend assistance ? No but to an- 

 nounce suspicions of its sincerity, to hint a fault, if not to hesitate dis- 

 like. A less extensive measure, it is well known, might have satis- 

 fied the country for a time a half-grown bill a colt of legislation, 

 as it were ; but this, which in one sense, might almost be said to be 

 a gift horse far from not looking it in the mouth, they proceeded to 

 kick, to see if its wind was good, and to pluck by the tail to ascertain 

 whether it were " a real thing/' and not defunct horse-hair from the 

 discarded sofa of a superannuated politician. All this, to say the 

 least of it, was indiscreet. But then, when the bill was passed, arose 

 another question : was the Reform-Bill a final measure ? It was, 

 so said one or two of the ministers. We are far from defending this 

 answer ; it was a piece of purely absurd impertinence. How could it 

 be a final measure ? The people had now got a certain degree of 

 available power into their own hands ; well, it was to be exercised, 

 of course. How was its exercise to be frustrated ? By the ministers ? 

 No. They were now at the mercy of the House of Commons. But 

 no reasonable man, surely, could for a moment believe that the 

 ministers intended no good to result from the reform-bill, as some of 

 the liberal papers were wise enough to suppose. The question was, 

 Is the reform-bill, quasi a bill of reform of the representation, a 

 final measure ? The answer we have given above, and commented 

 upon. 



Again ; in all subsequent measures brought forward by the Whig 

 ministry, the same system of studied and elaborate misconception 

 was acted upon ; till, at length, taking the converse of a principle, 

 which, we perceive, is once again about to be attempted to be made 

 popular, some of the liberal journals, with one accord shouted, 

 " not measures, but men," and personal attack was resorted to. 



The chief object of attack, as the public well knows, has been 

 Lord Brougham. Now, we do not think it necessary to justify 

 upon paper the foibles, the weaknesses, or the follies of public men ; 

 neither do we think it likely that we shall, under any system of 

 government whatever, be enabled to secure men altogether without 

 these incidental conditions of humanity. But, by the leave of some of 



