1830.] Europe, and the Horse-Guards' Cabinet. 19 



calls the blundering work of intellects puzzled by the commonest pro- 

 blems of public life ? The irresistible fact is, that all the great questions 

 lie at this moment in the state in which the Field-Marshal Minister 

 found them at his accession; that he has not exhibited the slightest 

 power to alter their shape, or bring them within the grasp of legislation ; 

 that in the few attempts which he has made, failure has been the instant 

 consequence ; and that the system of sitting with folded arms, and waiting 

 for chance, has at length been established as a principle. It is doubtless 

 the easiest way of getting through the world. The globe will roll on, 

 though ten cabinets were asleep round the military Minister ; the day of 

 salaries will come every three months, even though the minister were 

 bathed in laudanum ; and if the session can but be once got over, there 

 will be six months secure, undisturbed by the sarcasms of parliament, 

 and as smooth as the prognostics of the pious Mr. Goulburn, or the 

 eternal smile of Sir Robert Blifil Peel. 



But there is a time for all things, and the time for opening our eyes 

 has come. We are sick of this perpetual display of insolent pretension 

 and empty performance, of this ostentatious boast of ability and tacit 

 acknowledgment of helplessness. Parliament is beginning to feel that 

 it has other things to do than listen night after night to the men of me- 

 diocrity, who, after having been lifted from clerkships into the cabinet, 

 show that their natural designation was the Desk, and that the most 

 glowing passion for Sinecures may be consistent with the most pitiful 

 exercise of the understanding. A great party is rapidly forming. Men 

 of all varieties of opinion upon the minute points of polity are coerced 

 by the force of circumstances into one leading opinion of the necessity 

 of crushing the cabinet of the clerks. Whig and Tory are names gone 

 by. The cabinet has extinguished all distinctions. The party of the 

 country is the only name that will be henceforth acknowledged ; and, 

 without compromising personal feelings or old principles, without stain- 

 ing any man by the imputation of acting like the Blijils, and flinging off 

 at an hour's notice principles and feelings avowed during a life ; that 

 great party will be formed, which alone can save the country from the 

 Cabinet of Corporals ! 



We demand, where is the proof that the Premier is a fit man to guide 

 the councils of the empire ? Let us look over the catalogue of his 

 diplomatic triumphs. And first of Russia. His declared policy was to 

 sustain Turkey against Russia. He loftily quoted Pitt's opinion on it, 

 " That the man who doubted the infinite importance of supporting 

 Turkey was not worthy to be reasoned with." He pledged his political 

 faith upon the protection of the Turkish dominions against a Russian 

 war. And how did he fulfil his pledge ? England, with chagrin and 

 astonishment, saw her most dangerous rival suffered to^take her course 

 in contempt of remonstrance ; saw her rush into the heart of the Otto- 

 man territory, in the teeth of our ambassador's representations, which 

 Russia despised as they deserved ; saw her reduce our ally to vassalage, 

 and raise herself to the summit of European power ! 



Now for another example. France decided upon the invasion of 

 Greece. The measure was obviously hazardous to the natural influence 

 of England. It might be for the permanent seizure of territory ; it 

 might be for the seizure of the Ionian Islands, or for the final occupation 

 of Egypt and the route to India. The Premier wrote to the French 

 ministry, remonstrating against the invasion. The French ministry 



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