546 The Condition and Prospects of the Country, [Nov. 



to the interests of the nation by whom it is enjoyed it is highly advan- 

 tageous. In our relations one with another, as members of a commu- 

 nity, we are bound by the strong ties of mutual interests ; and the 

 privileges and protection which we thus enjoy, must be repaid by 

 reciprocal services. If the merchant gains a profit by the consumption 

 of the farmer, he must repay it by taking the produce of the latter. 

 He is bound to do so ; because the interests and the very existence of 

 that society of which he is a member, can only thus be supported. 

 Bui in our external relations with other states, the case is widely diffe- 

 rent. We are bound to look, not to the interests of a part of the 

 community which may be benefited by any concessions made to those 

 states, but to the interest of the whole that whole consisting of our 

 own community alone. So far as we are bound in our relations with 

 other states, by treaty or by mutual and general advantage, we ought 

 to perform ; but we are not called upon, either in justice or in sound 

 policy, to yield up one iota of our exclusive privileges. In most 

 instances the country has acquired such privileges at an immense cost 

 of blood and treasure ; and in some, even by the exchange of valuable 

 territory ; and any measure of government which even endangers their 

 continuance, ought justly to be condemned as foolish and wicked. 



Yet during the late few years we have seen these valuable privileges 

 assailed on every side. Led on by the vague theories of visionary 

 fanatics, the legislature has embarked in a wild scheme of universal 

 philanthropy, by which the best interests of the country have been 

 crippled, or wantonly sacrificed, for the attainment of objects, which 

 even the wise heads of their projectors have been unable to define. A 

 reckless system of innovation has struck with deep and deadly effect at 

 the root of our prosperity ; and the consequences are that we have 

 endured, and are still enduring unparalleled suffering. Yet this system 

 is allowed to continue its progress although its evils are felt by all 

 classes of the community, whilst not an argument is- brought forward 

 which has not been a thousand times refuted, and not a hope is held 

 out of its final success, the futility of which is not daily more appa- 

 rent. 



We shall briefly glance at the distress which this system has entailed 

 upon some of the leading interests of the country. The agricultural 

 interest is that which, from the insular position of Great Britain, and 

 from its dense population, ought naturally to claim the greatest encou- 

 ragement from the legislature ; and yet, contrary to all reason and 

 sound policy, it has been the first to be attacked and wantonly sacrificed. 

 It has been proved, to the satisfaction of unprejudiced persons, that in 

 average years, we are able to raise produce fully equal to our consump- 

 tion ; and that, when the whole of our hitherto unproductive land is 

 brought into cultivation, this sufficiency will be encreased into abun- 

 dance. Under such circumstances, it would naturally seem to be the 

 policy of the legislature to afford full scope for the productive powers 

 of the country, judging that the produce of the soil is not only the source 

 of all national wealth, but is in itself a part of that national wealth. It 

 has, however, been considered otherwise by the enlightened philosophy 

 of the age. The landed interest has been stigmatized by the appellation 

 of monopoly the passions of the multitude have been appealed to, and 

 even the fluctuation of prices consequent upon the inscrutible decrees 

 of Providence have been attributed to the griping exorbitance of the 



