48 Lord Wdlesley's Administration in Ireland. [JAN. 



of the principles upon which we have acted, we have it in the methodical 

 infractions of law, the frequent contempt of the public authorities, and 

 the resistance in every part of the island to legal interference, which have 

 hitherto distinguished Ireland from every other country in the world. 

 If our system was salutary, it would produce wholesome fruits : but, 

 although we have varied and modified our policy to meet or control 

 events, Ireland is still a millstone round the neck of England a constant 

 source of discussion a perpetual excuse for the seditious and a never- 

 failing illustration in the mouths of the opposition of British injustice, 

 selfishness, and folly. Whether we have been unj*ist, therefore, or not, 

 it is clear that we have done nothing to remove the accusation ; and we 

 think it is also equally clear, that the accusation would not be heard so 

 patiently, and urged so incessantly, if there were not some grounds to 

 justify it, or, at least, if it had not some plausible colouring of truth, 

 which cannot be refuted. We are now dealing with generalities, without 

 entering the labyrinth of evils that presents itself at the threshold of the 

 question ; and, considering that the British cabinet is accountable for the 

 maintenance and tranquillity of Ireland, we proceed to examine how far 

 those paramount ends of legislation have been promoted by the recent 

 administration of Lord Wellesley. 



In 1821, His Majesty visited Ireland. He was the first king of Eng- 

 land who, in peace and affection, crossed the channel. The circumstance 

 was hailed as the omen of future benefits ; and popular gratitude was 

 poured out to profusion. At that period of enthusiasm and devotion, it 

 would have been impossible to satisfy the people of Ireland that the 

 king's visit was not a prelude to some extensive political amelioration ; 

 and, in the frenzy of that hope, they received his Majesty with the most 

 ardent demonstrations of attachment. The sentiments expressed by his 

 Majesty in public, and the parting letter of Lord Sidmouth, recommend- 

 ing the avoidance of offensive distinctions, the cultivation of harmony, 

 and the union of parties, contributed to encourage an expectation, which, 

 to the majority at least, promised nothing short of the abolition of that 

 code of penalties, against which they had been for years petitioning and 

 appealing in vain. The excitement was universal ; it was infused into 

 the breasts of the population by an ardent priesthood, who telegraphed 

 the sensations of approaching liberty from one end of the island to the 

 other. The hearts of the Catholics bounded with the exhilarating pros- 

 pect, and even the Orangemen suspended for a season their ascendancy 

 tactics. And if ever emancipation could have been granted without 

 risking a temporary contest, it was at that moment when both parties 

 were surprised into the expression of a simultaneous and involuntary 

 loyalty. Nor were these anticipations corrected by the events that 

 followed. Lord Talbot, the lord-lieutenant, who had received his 

 Majesty upon the shores of Ireland, and who was made the medium of 

 his valedictory admonition, was suddenly recalled from office immedi- 

 ately after his Majesty's return to England. Although the cause of his 

 lordship's recal was not officially notified, yet it was universally under- 

 stood to have taken place in consequence of his lordship drinking an 

 offensive party toast at a lord-mayor's dinner, in open violation of the 

 commands and wishes of his royal master. Here was another manifesta- 

 tion of that disposition to tranquillize Ireland, of which his Majesty's visit 

 Jiacl been already deemed an indication ; but the appointment of Lord 

 Wellesley terminated all speculation on the subject, and satisfied the 



