274 Colonial Policy. [MARCH, 



possession of Canada for ever) has introduced into our financial accounts 

 the small item of one hundred and twenty millions of pounds. 



But this introduces us to the second consideration to which we have 

 alluded, the expenditure, and, consequently, destruction of capital, 

 included in the aggregate of this, and the abstraction of capital involved 

 hi the very establishment of colonies, and always to some extent con- 

 tinued with their existence. It has been calculated that the Canadian 

 Provinces alone have already drained this country of between sixty and 

 seventy millions.* Population, however, if not exceeding, at least 

 always pressing upon the capital destined for its support, a depreciation 

 in the condition of the labouring classes .must await every abstraction of 

 capital. We know not whether, urging the injustice of encouraging a 

 mischief to one class of the community, in order to accomplish a benefit 

 for another, we might not, in this aristocratical country, be charged with 

 frivolity in here attempting to oppose the sufferings of the poor against 

 the aggrandizement of the rich. We will confine ourselves, therefore, 

 to pointing out, that the increase of pauperism is always the increase 

 of crime ; and in an account of profit and loss, suppression of crime is an 

 item which cannot in fairness be omitted. 



In thus running over the general principles on which the commercial 

 policy of colonies is founded, we have carefully abstained from the 

 introduction of all topics which were not strictly in keeping with an 

 examination of that particular description of policy. But although we 

 have said nothing of the moral effects upon the parent state of that 

 inferior character of legislation which is thought sufficient for the colo- 

 niesof the restrictions on the press, which are represented as necessary 

 to their existence though we have been silent as to its political influence 

 in general, there is one feature of colonial policy, which, if not directly 

 of a commercial character, is nevertheless so closely allied to it, that we 

 cannot refrain from its notice. How great may be the ultimate force of 

 public opinion, it cannot be denied that this country is at present almost 

 entirely governed by the influence of sinister interest. It is in the 

 number and combination of its participents that the strength of this 

 interest principally consists. The colonial system, however, adds a 

 very powerful class of participents to the number, while the support of 

 their own interest drives them to take a part in the combination. Thus 

 ^he corn monopolists, finding themselves beaten in argument, betake 

 them to the alliance of others, who, like themselves, are interested in 

 the maintenance of some particular branch of monopoly. The united 

 clamour and political force of the two is able to secure the monopoly 

 which each is eager to maintain; and thus the operation of the colonial 

 monopoly is not only to afford a fair pretext for the existence of all 

 others, but to assist in completing the physical force necessary to its 

 attainment. 



We here take leave of our subject. On a future day we may perhaps 

 complete our delineation of the colonial system, by holding up to our 

 readers its moral and political results. We trust the inquiry into which 

 we have entered will be sufficient to convince them that, whatever else 

 it may be, in a commercial point of view, it certainly is not the posses- 

 sion of her colonies which renders Great Britain " the envy of surround- 

 ing nations." 



* Edinburgh Review. Vol. 42 ; p. 201. 



