THE IRISH CHURCH. 237 



for religion's sake, as Lord Stanley seems to suppose,* but only to 

 prevent the interference of false religion with civil liberty. Unfor- 

 tunately, however, the Protestant mind, throughout *all our religious 

 varieties, has not yet emancipated itself from the tyranny of historical 

 recollections, as regards the Catholics. Should ever the salutary 

 truths be established, that the politician's first duty is to labour to un- 

 derstand man of the present age ; and that the risks of misinterpreting 

 human nature through the accidents of history are greater than those 

 which accompany actual observation ; then, but not till then, will the 

 utility of anti-Catholic provisions be questioned by the public at 

 large : therefore, though it be painful to require the concession from 

 our Catholic brethren, there is no present alternative but the disso- 

 lution of the empire. The state of the Protestant Irish church must 

 and will be so altered, in the course of time (probably ere long), as 

 to free the Catholics from all but its theological grievances ; but it is 

 impossible to calculate upon an entire abatement of Protestant fears 

 and prejudices within an assignable period of time ; consequently, 

 Ireland must either submit to the mere theoretic ascendancy of the 

 Protestant church, or by force sever herself from the British empire. 



Taking for granted, then, that our generous and patient Irish 

 brethren do not wish to be quite separated from us (especially in 

 these hopeful times of approximation to an understanding), it must 

 be assumed, that the "Protestant ascendancy" is to be "nominally" 

 preserved throughout the empire. Ireland, not expecting us to be 

 wise beyond our generation, will be content with somewhat less than 

 her abstract rights ; will condescend to accept what is sufficient to 

 evince our compunction and desire to conciliate her, in lieu of that 

 which she really ought to receive, and which our ignorance alone 

 denies. But it behoves us, if we are not lost to all sense of shame ; 

 if we are not absolutely callous to the universal disapprobation of 

 civilized Europe; if we are not prepared to maintain that wealth, 

 and wealth alone, will uphold the cause of Protestantism ; if we 

 would fain eschew the imputation of using a religious pretext for 

 keeping a gallant arid resourceful nation in a state of dishonourable 

 and barbarous subjection ; it behoves us, as men and Christians, to 

 exert our utmost ingenuity in making amends to the Irish Catholics 

 by all concessions short of admitting the " political establishment" of 

 their religious faith. Instead of thinking, for a moment, how we 

 may "pacify" Ireland by the smallest concessions, we ought to rack 

 our brains to find out how much we may " voluntarily give up," with- 

 out scandalizing the weakness of our sincere and zealous, though 

 mistaken Protestant brethren. 



What, then, can we give up to the Irish, without surrendering our 

 " darling" ascendancy ? Is it more, or less, than the Whig Ministry, 

 under Lord Grey, wished to grant ? Much more, abundantly much 



* The spirit of the constitution is simple and unmixed. Its object is one, 

 and only one, viz. to guard civil liberty from all restrictions but such as insure 

 its permanence, and most extensively administer its blessings. The spirit of 

 the constitution is a civil, not an ecclesiastical spirit, and, unless when liberty 

 be in danger from pretended religion, the most appropriate constitutional motto 

 is Tros Rutulusve fuat nullo discrimine habetor. 



