THE MINISTRY, THE ARISTOCRACY, AND THE PEOPLE. 247 



then, perhaps, it may not be too late to save the empire from dismem- 

 berment and civil war. 



The most fatal error into which our rulers are liable to be betrayed 

 at the present moment, consists in the temptation to get rid of pres- 

 sing difficulties by temporary expedients, and to rest satisfied if they 

 can only carry on the business of government without so far exciting 

 the people as to lead to any immediate and dangerous expression of 

 public opinion. The history of the last six months has tended to 

 increase the temptation ; for it cannot be denied, that although the 

 people have been deeply dissatisfied with many of the proceedings 

 of government, they have in general exhibited no disposition to resort 

 to any extreme or violent measures, in order to render their own 

 opinions more influential in the management of public affairs. But 

 it must never be forgotten that, under this deceitful calm, there lurks 

 a growing hostility to every established institution, and a growing 

 conviction that the abuses of the State are too deep-rooted to be era- 

 dicated by any thing but the entire destruction of the system upon 

 which they have been engendered. Never at any former period in 

 the annals of our history, did so much depend upon the wisdom and 

 prudence of an existing administration, as there does at the present 

 moment, and therefore the increasing unpopularity of the present 

 ministry is a symptom of fearful and ominous import, on which no 

 intelligent man can look without pain and alarm. The people are 

 not only dissatisfied with the little progress which has been made in 

 the great cause of practical reform, but they are even beginning to 

 entertain an opinion that ministers are not sincerely desirous of pro- 

 moting that cause, and that they shrink from the task of completing 

 that work, of which the Reform Bill was only the commencement. 

 We place however too much confidence in the understanding and 

 principles of the leading members of administration, to believe that 

 they are either ignorant of, or inattentive to the state of public 

 opinion, and unless they are so, they must be convinced that no go- 

 vernment can now stand which does>hot exhibit an honest determi- 

 nation to go to the root of every abuse, and to employ its whole 

 influence in promoting the welfare of all classes of the people. But 

 even although we may admit that ministers are actuated by good 

 intentions, it is impossible to deny that their conduct has been little 

 distinguished by that energy and decision which the critical state of 

 our affairs so urgently requires, and that, during the present session 

 of Parliament, they have done far less for the real benefit of the 

 people than what they might have accomplished with equal ease, and 

 far greater credit to themselves. 



It is not a little remarkable, although very characteristic of the 

 English nation, that when the election of an Ultra-Tory Speaker, the 

 Coercion Bill, and the rejection of the Ballot, excited only a few 

 complaints, without leading to any visible and general discontent, the 

 country was placed upon the brink of a revolution by the refusal of 

 the ministry and the Parliament to abolish an obnoxious tax. The 

 most irksome, perplexing, and thankless, of all offices, is undoubtedly 

 that of Chancellor of the Exchequer, and we are surprised that even 

 the proverbial patience and good humour of Lord Althorp have 



