THE MINISTRY, THE ARISTOCRACY, AND THE PEOPLE, 251 



dreaded, than the growing distrust which the people exhibit in regard 

 to all political parties, the continuance of which must sooner or later 

 be productive of very fatal consequences. If any thing can save the 

 country from Revolution, it must be the establishment of a firm, up- 

 right, and enlightened government; but even if such a government 

 was established, it can only be permanent and efficient, by possessing 

 the confidence of all the branches of the legislature, which it seems 

 scarcely possible it can do, while the House of Lords and the House 

 of Commons remain constituted as they are at present. 



If the opinions entertained by the majority of the House of Lords, 

 were only opposed to those of the present administration, and the 

 present House of Commons, the evil although real, might admit of a 

 constitutional remedy; but, unfortunately, the opinions of that ma- 

 jority, are still more at variance with those of the great body of the 

 people, upon the most important subjects connected with our domes- 

 tic policy. There is no subject, on which this difference exists to a 

 greater extent, than on Church Reform, and it is scarcely possible to 

 believe, that the House of Lords will ever consent to any plan of 

 Church Reform, which is likely to give permanent satisfaction to the 

 middle classes, who are becoming every day, more hostile to that ex- 

 ternal pomp and splendour which, in the estimation of the Conserv- 

 atives, encrease the dignity and influence of an ' established church/ 

 Even the very principle of religious establishments is beginning to 

 be violently assailed, and those who are friendly to that principle can 

 only obtain a hearing, by exposing and condemning the abuses of the 

 church, and proving that they do not necessarily belong to an estab- 

 lishment; but only tend to impede its efficacy. If public opinion 

 possessed that influence in the House of Commons, which it must ere 

 long do, then would soon be introduced a Bill of Church Reform, 

 essential parts of which would be, the exclusion of the Bishops from 

 the House of Lords the more equal distribution of the Church Reven- 

 ues and the modification of patronage; but it is needless to observe 

 that the rejection of any such but in the House of Lords, would be 

 a matter of certainty. It is admitted that the House of Lords only 

 consented to the Irish Church Bill, from expediency or rather neces- 

 sity; and if such was the case, in regard to a measure so very mode- 

 rate and inefficient, what would be the fate of any Bill which embo- 

 died the opinions of the people, in regard to Church Reform. The 

 church, we fear, is destined to form the most fruitful subject of con- 

 tention between the Aristocracy and the People; and we apprehend 

 that any kind of half measures, to which the former might, perhaps, 

 consent, would only increase the dissatisfaction of the latter, and lead 

 them ultimately to demand the entire destruction of the Church 

 Establishment. 



But while it is becoming every day more evident that the House of 

 Lords, is never likely to harmonize with a House of Commons, truly 

 representing the feelings and opinions of the people, it is no easy 

 matter to point out a practical remedy for an evil of such magnitude, 

 and which affects, in so many ways, the general interests of the coun- 

 try. It is very evident that there already exists, in the public mind, 

 a strong prejudice against the principle of an hereditary legislature; 



