350 THE OPERATIVES' PARLIAMENT. 



" Glasgow 2 said that each district should keep their own money, and 

 the cJieques, for security, be distributed through the three kingdoms." 



Glasgow 2 is a true Scotchman. Let them settle the rule of three 

 as they may, he is determined to have his share of the coin. 



" Johnstone would support the opinion of Glasgow as to the money and 

 cheques. Each district should manage its own affairs, without the inter- 

 ference of any other district, but all to contribute to the same general 

 fund. 



" Bolton 1 wished to know whether it was intended to give as many 

 cliques to Ireland and Scotland as to England. If that were so, he 

 thought they would be giving to those places more control over the money 

 than would be consistent with right. The money should be divided in 

 proportion to the number of payers. 



" Johnstone 1 was decidedly of opinion that there should be but one 

 grand general Committee. As to the distribution of the money, he con- 

 curred with Bolton, that it should be regulated by the number of payers. 

 Suppose, for instance, there are but two districts in Scotland, and perhaps 

 twenty in England. They would of course, in fairness, be entitled to re- 

 ceive cheques in the proportion of twenty to two." 



This is evidently according to Cocker, and shows that Sunday- 

 school advantages have not been lost upon Johnstone 1. We cannot 

 find room for further extracts. It was carried, by a majority of 

 four, that the plan for effecting " one grand general union of the 

 spinners of the three kingdoms" would be better effected by one 

 parliament or club, or whatever they are pleased to call their meet- 

 ings, than three. 



One of the most extensive strikes that has ever occurred was 

 in 1810, when the spinners from the mills of Manchester, Mac- 

 clesfield, Stockport, Ashton, Oldham, Bolton and other places left 

 their work, and threw 30,000 persons out of employ. Had it con- 

 tinued longer, the whole of Scotland would have joined it. Gangs of 

 desperados paraded the streets of the towns assaulting the resi- 

 dences of persons supposed to be inimical to them. The police were 

 set at defiance ; and the factories were in a complete state of siege, 

 the owners trembling for their lives and property. The government 

 of this rebellion was carried on by a parliament at Manchester under 

 the presidentship of a man named Joseph Shipley, who is reported 

 to have been a sort of Massaniello, and commanded the implicit 

 obedience of thousands of willing agents. The sums collected for the 

 support of the strike amounted for a time to 1,500/. weekly, but it 

 gradually fell off, and then these poor misguided people began to taste 

 the bitter fruits of their folly. The savings of years of patient industry 

 were first consumed, then clothes arid furniture went, till the un- 

 happy beings were consigned to utter want and destitution. They 

 were obliged at last to accept work at half the former prices. This 

 was the result of the great strike of 1810. Many examples might be 

 quoted of similar folly and equally disastrous terminations of all the 

 great strikes ; none have terminated to the advantage of the work- 

 men. Much injury has been sustained by the manufacturer and the 

 public ; but the workman has suffered more than either, and even in 

 districts where the masters have yielded to the demands of the Union 

 before any trial of strength was made, $he workman has not reaped 



