1827.] The Catholics of Ireland. 15 



the active agent of a rather desperate and very ill-treated cause," is 

 looked at with a very different eye by the Whigs of England, from that 

 with which pursuing the same conduct he would be regarded if he 

 were the representative of a fairly-dealt-with party, and a member of 

 the British House of Commons. A very considerable failing in the 

 Irish character generally, is a want of that quality which we designate 

 by the name of " tact ;" and we strongly suspect that the first generation 

 of Irish Catholic members would have those among them who would be 

 very excessive about the interests of Ireland; and (by consequence) 

 very unpopular. Their merciless speeches would cease to be reported in 

 a week ; their questions would be cut in a month ; and in two sessions 

 we should see them turning Ministerialists, to avoid desertion and insig- 

 nificance altogether. The event would be when they found their 

 senses that the Catholic members in the House of Commons would 

 enjoy precisely that quantity of influence which properly belonged to 

 them. By their exertion, the interests of Ireland (in detail) might 

 perhaps be more accurately looked after than they are at present which 

 no one can doubt would be a circumstance of advantage. 



And it is not by the apprehension of trifling difficulties, or of merely 

 possible contingencies, that we should be deterred from doing an act 

 which is one of general policy and justice. There never was a law 

 passed, never a principle admitted, in which the existence of some 

 imperfection might not be shewn. We ask for no faith in the intentions 

 of the Catholics of Ireland ; we will take their case in the most difficult 

 view ; we will suppose that they have no respect for oaths, and that they 

 believe they can obtain absolution from them ; that they refuse to 

 renounce particular tenets, merely from pride not because to do so 

 would be a waver of their faith, but because it would be a desertion from 

 their party ; and, taking all this to be true of which we do not believe 

 any thing like one-half to be true still, in what way can the Catholics 

 of Ireland be more dangerous to us, after they are emancipated, than 

 they are at present ? 



Surely no individual of common mind or education, can fancy, in these 

 days, that it is possible either to improve, or to convince men, so long as 

 we proscribe them? Let the pride of such people, or their principle, be 

 their impelling motive, what does it matter, when we see that they are 

 impelled and impelled into a course which we have no earthly hope 

 of arresting ? We believe the impelling motive of the Catholics to be 

 a mixed one ; and we are glad to believe so, for it mends our case. A 

 Catholic gentleman can hardly turn to Protestantism (as the law stands) 

 even though his reason should incline him to do so without incurring 

 the suspicion of interested motives. It is hardly possible for him, under 

 any conviction, to desert the cause to which he has been born ; which 

 his ancestors have maintained ; and which his friends, round him, are 

 suffering for ; while the law of the country renders him a gainer by the 

 exchange. The very existence of the Penal Laws against Catholics, 

 must confirm a Catholic of high and honourable feeling to his side ; and, 

 so far from finding any thing disheartening in this view, we repeat, that 

 we are well pleased to take it well pleased if we have only to satisfy the 

 honourable scruples of a man, instead of having to over-convince his 

 bigotry or his superstition. But the very centre-stone of our position 

 no matter what we have to satisfy is still as it has been from the begin- 



