J827.] North-East Boundary of America. . 147 



amount of the population, with all which, it is gravely stated, the said 

 population were exceedingly delighted : why and < wherefore, is not very 

 intelligible. All this we learn, from the body of the report ; and from 

 other quarters we find they endeavoured to dissuade the colonists from 

 mustering at the militia trainings, offering even to pay their fines, to seduce 

 them from their allegiance ; and, in consequence, very narrowly escaped 

 being seized by a party, who went in pursuit of them, to carry them before 

 the courts of New Brunswick. 



But things do not surely remain in this lawless state ! Have no remon- 

 strances been mpde on the part of the colonies ? Yes ; a remonstrance was 

 addressed by the Governor of New Brunswick to the British Minister at 

 Washington ; and, in consequence of the representation made by him to 

 the government of the United States, the states of Maine and Massachu- 

 setts appear to have suspended the further execution of their magnificent 

 resolutions of February and June, 1825, till their session of June ]826; 

 and there, so far as our intelligence goes, the affair stands. 



In the mean while, the Council and House of Assembly of New Bruns 

 wick have forwarded an urgent representation of the state of affairs to the 

 king at home ; but what steps are taken at home, or are likely to be taken, 

 we know not. It is, however, a matter of prime importance to the inte- 

 grity and welfare of the colonies, and surely a matter touching very closely 

 the dignity of the empire. What would those have done, who dispatched 

 a fleet against the Spaniards, for taking possession of the obscure corner of 

 Nootka Sound ? 



But these invasions which we have described, are not. it will be said, the 

 acts of the government of the United States. No ; but they are the acts 

 of two of their federal states, for whose acts the United States must be held 

 responsible to all other countries. The general government will probably 

 disavow the acts of usurpation, and deny the right of the two states to 

 seize upon the debateable territory without the concurrence of the Congress. 

 What then ? The two states will likewise deny the right of Congress to 

 concede the territory, or determine their claims for them. The difficulty of 

 dealing with America constituted, as it is, of so many distinct legislatures 

 is very great. A treaty ratified by the executive may be rejected by the 

 senate; when accepted by the senate, the representatives in Congress may 

 refuse their sanction ; and, again, when confirmed and sanctioned by Con- 

 gress, the obedience of the several states voluntary as it is, and indepen- 

 dent as in some measure they are is not of course to be calculated upon. 

 Let the general government act as it will, the probability is the two states 

 will disregard its authority. The territory in dispute is of high importance 

 to them, cribbed and cabined as they are by the neighbourhood of other 

 states. They will prosecute their views ; and the province of New Bruns- 

 wick declares itself resolved upon repelling aggression, A little war will 

 thus be kindled on the frontiers between these petty powers, which will 

 quickly set the provinces, north and south, in a blaze. The question of 

 boundary must be determined forthwith : and if concessions of territory 

 must be made by us, let some equivalent be offered, in other regions, in less 

 vital quarters. 



For of vital importance we affirm it to be to the interests of our surviving 

 colonies, to insist upon the boundary contemplated by the original treaty, 

 and marked by one, if not by two, indisputable criteria. To prove the 

 strength of our proposition that the enforcement of the line of boundary 



U 2 



