836 



change and experimentation is characteristic of the populace in the 

 developing countries he investigated, and that this attitude is a cul- 

 tural obstacle to development. As he says, 



The great bulk of historical, anthropological, and sociological evidence and 

 thought suggests that social stability and equilibrium is the norm and that all 

 societies, and underdeveloped societies in particular, possess institutions of a 

 strongly stabilizing character. In view of these findings the real mystery is how 

 they can escape from equilibrium and develop."' 



Attitudes and institutions that are part of an inherited culture do 

 not change easily or rapidly, as a general rule. To bring about change 

 there has to be sufficient motivation for change. Insofar as family 

 planning is concerned, the evidence seems to suggest that despite cul- 

 tural barriers it is not as difficult to motivate couples in this direction 

 as toward some other aspects of development. 



RELIGION AND POPULATION 



Certain religious beliefs held bjr people in the developing countries 

 constitute barriers to family planning, but these barriers are sometimes 

 more ostensible than real. For example, Hinduism postulates four 

 stages in the life of man, one of which is that of householder, produc- 

 ing sons and fulfilling his family duties. Indeed, preservation of the 

 family, in Hindu ethics, is second only to preservation of the social 

 order as a whole.^^^ The traditional family system was a joint one : that 

 is, a family comprised all or most of the kindred related through both 

 maternal and paternal lines. The head of the household, usually the 

 most important male member of the family, was the steward of the 

 family's property. Under this system polygamy was permitted, al- 

 though it was not approved except when a first marriage produced no 

 living male children. Polygamy was not forbidden by law in India un- 

 til 1055."* (The Indian government has also outlawed such traditional 

 practices as child marriage, and has legitimized widow remarriage.) 

 While Western influences have modifiedthe Hindu outlook, and while 

 educated Indians may be somewhat skeptical of traditional Hindu be- 

 liefs and practices, a large majority of Indians cling to their religion, 

 and what has been called a "pro-natalist" philosophy. In the light of 

 this situation, which would appear to militate against the success of 

 family planning, it is remarkable that the Indians have been able to 

 attain any measure of success in their ambitious program. 



In Buddhist teachings, procreation and family life are considered 

 to be matters of lesser importance. Buddhist priests are celibate. The 

 religion stresses the avoidance of extremes, either of sensuality or 

 asceticism. Thus pressures to marry and have children do not come 

 from within the religion itself, but arise from extraneous cultural cir- 

 cumstances.^*" 



A J\^^^^"^' ^" *^^ ^^^^^ ^^"^' ^^^ ^^^ fi"^ pro-natalist teaching. 

 Allah creat>es sexuality and determines fertility or barrenness. To re- 

 strict the birth of offspring by artificial means would seem, therefore, 



pagl°87r'' ^^^^"^^ ""*^*'*° DT&nuL Vol. 3, Appendix 2." (New York. Pantheon. 1968). 

 „' J Encyclopaedia Britannlca." (1964 edition. Vol. 11), page 511. 

 «»A. McCormack. "The Population Problem." op. clt., page 157. 



