986 HISTORY OF THE COMMITTI E ON SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY 



Brown also touched on the administration opposition to the bill 

 and its reasons, concluding: 



If the administration had a vigorous, well-coordinated climate program, their 

 opposition would have to be very seriously considered. However, in view of the 

 situation chat exists in t.ict, I think it is totally appropriate for us to go ahead and 

 pass this bill instructing them on how to carry out this program. 



SCIENCE COMMITTEE TAKES THE LEAD 



In his remarks to the House, Walker elaborated on this point. 

 He pointed out that despite the existence of authority, "the admin- 

 istration has done nothing to utilize that authority." He therefore 

 concluded: 



We believe that Congress can and must play its constitutional role by providing 

 specific instruction to the executive branch of Government. Our action will show our 

 determination that the past will of the Congress, expressed in past authority granted, 

 begins to be exercised. 



One of the skeptics was Representative Robert E. Bauman (Re- 

 publican of Maryland). He averred that with summer drought and 27 

 to 30 inches of ice on Chesapeake Bay, "I do not think there is one 

 thing the Congress of the United States could have done to prevent 

 those catastrophes." He said he always got good responses from farm 

 audiences when he proclaimed: 



If the Congress of the United States ever gets the power to control the weather, 

 they will screw that up too. 



The bill passed the House by 282 to 60. But the Senate did not act 

 until April 24, 1978, passing a bill which was considerably broader 

 and less detailed. Obviously, the administration had prevailed on the 

 Senate Committee to give more leeway to the executive branch. Having 

 spent several years to develop thorough expertise in the field, the 

 Brown subcommittee knew precisely, in Spensley's words, "what they 

 had done, what they could do, and what they were willing to do." 

 The conference committee resulted in a 50-50 compromise which the 

 conferees of both House and Senate could support, but which was 

 weaker than the House version. The conference report went through 

 the House without opposition on a voice vote. Because of the power of 

 the congressional and public support, the administration swung around 

 to get on the bandwagon, and the President signed the bill on Septem- 

 ber 17, 1978. 



