SHOOTOUT AT CLINCH RIVER 875 



Goldwater and McCormack were also withering in their reaction. 

 McCormack finally threw up his hands and said to the DOE witnesses 

 defending the breeder reactor budget: 



My comments arc directed not to you but to the administration and to administra- 

 tion policies. I frankly extend my sympathies to you. I know each one of you, and I 

 know as I sit here listening to you, that I don't believe a single one of you believes 

 what you are being obligated to read. Many of the statements that you have been 

 obligated to prepare and submit to us today are an insult to the intelligence of the 

 American people, and all the world knows it. I think it's an appalling tragedy that 

 the administration is obligating scientists to come here and make statements which 

 thev know to be nonsense, and which they know all the world knows is nonsense. 



FLOWERS CALLS ON THE PRESIDENT 



On February 28, Flowers met with the President, and urged him 

 to make some kind of positive statement on behalf of his support for 

 nuclear energy, without relation to the CRBR. They argued about the 

 debilitating effect of the deadlock on the CRBR. Here were two 

 southern politicians who could talk and communicate more directly 

 than through the thick stone wall which had divided the President 

 and McCormack when they had addressed the issue the previous July. 

 Yet Flowers reported back that the President had fire in his eyes when 

 he spoke of his decision to terminate the Tennessee project. 



The next day the Flowers subcommittee met to mark up the DOE 

 authorization. Mrs. Lloyd's amendment to add $1591 million for 

 CRBR beyond the $13-4 million requested by the administration 

 passed by 17-6. Flowers termed the CRBR battleground — "a symbol 

 between a Congress that wants resource development and an adminis- 

 tration that is perceived to be the opposite." His subcommittee made 

 some reductions in the Rickover-sponsored light-water breeder reactor 

 program, and tacked on an additional $26.1 million beyond Mrs. 

 Lloyd's amendment to beef up the liquid metal fast breeder reactor 

 program. The collision course was clearly set. 



But wait! Suddenly a gleam of light appeared. Could this presage 

 a desire to end the stalemate? 



THE SEEDS OF COMPROMISE 



There were stirrings in the White House. 1977 had been a disas- 

 trous year for President Carter's efforts to end the CRBR. The political 

 maneuvering had resulted in an apparent victory for Congress, and yet 

 it remained evident it could not be a long-term victory given the 

 determination of the President on the issue. The respective staffs were 

 in a combative, competitive mood. "We really stuck it to the White 

 House," chortled one committee staff member with some glee. When 



