4 o2 TEE POPULAR SCIENCE MONTHLY 



few — less than one third of all the voters — are those in which the 

 Hearstians are strongest. On the other hand, they are not strongest 

 where the foreign-born voters are most numerous. Their hold is upon 

 the native-born of foreign parentage. If we take the districts giving 

 the Hearst candidates the largest percentage — say over eight per cent. — 

 we find the foreign-born Germans and Irish far outnumbered by the 

 natives of German and Irish parentage. If we take those giving the 

 lowest percentages — say, less than four per cent. — we find the foreign- 

 born of all nationalities greatly outnumbering the native. Along with 

 these facts we find that several of those districts among the half dozen 

 giving the highest socialist vote are also among the half dozen giving 

 the lowest Hearstian vote, showing that socialism and Hearstism are 

 but weakly correlated. 



The half dozen districts highest for Hearstism, and half dozen 

 lowest, with the percentage vote given both in 1913 and 1910 (when the 

 league ran a candidate for governor) are given below. 



Highest for Hearst Candidate 



Assembly District 1913 1910 



B 9 10.1 9.0 



B22 9.8 9.6 



Bx33 9.5 11.1 



Bx 34 9.3 9.1 



B20 9.3 9.5 



B16 9.2 6.4 



Lowest for Hearst Candidates 



Assembly District 1913 1910 



M 6 5 3,6 



M 4 1.2 3.0 



M 8 1.6 3.2 



M 3 2.9 3.4 



M 2 3.0 3.4 



M27 3.2 2.9 



Hearstism we conclude is a mode of thought that is attractive chiefly 

 to members of the transition species between the immigrant and the 

 American of native parents. 



Finally, how do our naturalized citizens stand towards that latest 

 phase of reform represented by the Progressive party? The answer 

 to this question is made difficult by complicating circumstances. 

 In 1912 the personal issue played an over-shadowing part; in 1913 

 interest was centered at other points, the aims of the Progressive 

 party for the time being coinciding with those of other political 

 elements. One or two facts in the election of 1912, however, are 

 extremely suggestive even though they do not cover the whole ground. 

 In that election Eoosevelt ran ahead of Wilson in only four districts in 

 the city. One was the twenty-third of Manhattan, in which Taft also 



