FARMERS' INSTITUTES. 273 



the senate. There were, however, one hundred and thirty-eight graduates in 

 the house and fifty-five wlio received a less complete education, and thirty-five 

 graduates in the senate, and fifteen who obtained an academical education.'" 

 Thus two-thirds of the members of congress come from a class comprising less 

 than a hundredth of those eligible to the position. In the doctor's own words, 

 the conclusion is : "If among a hundred thousand men a hundred good places 

 are to be distributed, there will be sixty-six of them to go to the thousand col- 

 lege men in the hundred tliousand, while for the other ninety-nine thousand 

 there will be only thirty-four places. In one case your chances are one in fif- 

 teen, while in the other they are but one in two thousand nine hundred and 

 eleven." 



I had the curiosity to make a similar inquiry into the ratio of education in our 

 own State Legislature of 1875. This, we know, was a farmers' legislature, 

 where only twenty -two of the one hundred representatives in the house belonged 

 to the so-called professions, and politics was less influential than usual. Now, 

 since the comjoarison was to be between connnon school and academical training, 

 only those in attendance upon the two courses, as reported in the year 1873, 

 were taken for the basis. Tlie number of boys actually in the common school 

 Avas just about fifty times the number of young men in the colleges, academies, 

 and high-schools together. Then, of the one hundred representatives, there 

 ought to be ninety-eight of only common-school education, and two of the bet- 

 ter educated men. The fact is (assuming the few unreported to be divided as 

 the others), that forty-six had an academic or a college course, and fifty four a 

 common-school one. Yet five of the latter had professional training and study, 

 so that Ave may A'ery safely conclude that one who studies from three to six 

 years beyond the common-school multiplies his chances of a place in our house 

 of representatives by fifty. By a similar calculation, it is shoAvn that his chances 

 of a place in our senate or in the executive department are multiplied by sixty- 

 six. If Ave ask after those Avho Avin a name, as Avell as position, the proportion 

 of educated men is still greater. 



The means of judging of the efi;ect of education in general business life are 

 not at hand, but from various estimates it seems likely that this last calculation 

 Avould fairly represent its advantage there. I wish some one having large 

 acquaintance with the leading boards of trade would gather statistics there. 

 With such statistics, I should expect to ansAA'er the second question of my theme. 

 Without them, I shall have to appeal to the reasonableness of expecting an edu- 

 cation to be a good investment for certain classes of men from the nature of the 

 case, adding the opinion of competent judges. For remembering that this 

 question, " aa'Iio can afford education?" diA'ides into Avho can raise the means, 

 and AA'ho can Avisely iuA'est in it, we may discuss the last part first. 



It is almost to be taken for granted that men seeking the professions gain 

 largely by previous training. The nature of their calling makes it reasonable ; 

 the demand of the people for educated ministers, laAvyers and doctors, and their 

 comparatiA'e success, proA'e it. Eminence is reached, if at all, by the unedu- 

 cated, at least ten years later in life. So say all who have investigated, and the 

 record of our Legislature of 1875 sustains the estimate for all callings. The 

 average years of those from common schools on entering the House were fifty 

 (50.5), Avhile those of the academic students Avere only forty (40.7). Now ten 

 years of success gained for the prime of life, Avhen it can be used to advantage, 

 is a large return for a few years of youth and a few hundred dollars invested. 

 So Ave may feel sure (though, strange to say, less than half our laAvyers and 

 35 



