34 



rather to take a broad and coniprehensive view of the field and the institutions 

 we. represent, with su<li suggestions as may be helpful. 



(1) I assume that there is no lack of appreciation of the fact that these in- 

 stitutions now represent the great national movement in whicli both nation and 

 State are cooperating with a clearly defined purpuse of providing such a type of 

 education as can be readily justified by its rehitinn to the development of our 

 country. Education is strictly a developmental funetion in which the State 

 seems "inevitably to take a larger :ind larger part. Here the logic of the situa- 

 tion will become sulficiently manifest to warrant a larger participation on the 

 part of the nation as a matter of national developme;it. If such larger part 

 should be t;dien by the nation, the manner in which such increased expenditures 

 would be made is a matter not now possible of forecast, 'i'he varying and 

 sometimes conflicting interests would probably effect such compromises in legis- 

 lation as to divert the efforts frum what might be regarded as in accordance 

 with the most approved theory. It is not necessary to produce here an array of 

 figures prefaced with a dollar mark in order to assure us of the greatness of our 

 work. The contributions made by the National Government in the original 

 Morrill Act have been more or less etficient. depending largely u!>;)n the wi.sdom 

 of the States. After all has been said that can be said on that matter, it 

 remains true that that original act is the foundation on which the colleges 

 stand. The second Morrill Act is a very clear and definite contribution, in 

 which there is .a renewed and enlarged participation on the part of the Govern- 

 ment. It is not assumed that the national grants are adequate to the main- 

 tenance of such colleges as are needed. The smallest States, or the States with 

 the least amount cf undeveloped resources, will find lief<;re them problems too 

 large for an adequate solution with the limited means at their hands. Indeed. 

 the States where conditions are most unfaAorable form the strongest argument 

 for national aid. Here it is that undeveloped resinirces are few, and here it 

 Is that existing resources need to be most carefully husl)anded. If the National 

 Government can be justified for undertaking what may be tei-med the develop- 

 mental functions of government — and I take it that the history of the past 

 seventy-five years justifies such undertaking — then it would seem the part of 

 wisdom to protect the whole country, and to see to it that no portion of the 

 country is to be so depleted in resources that the maintenance of a population is 

 imposs'iide. It would seem, therefore, that the National Government might 

 with every propriety interest itself in the development of the least fertile and 

 most unlikely portions of the country for the general reason that the nation's 

 interests are as wide as her territory. This phase of the proidem is the more 

 urgent because it is here that States will be slow to take hold of the problem, 

 chiefly liecause they lack the knowledge needed in order to direct them in the 

 wise application of scientific methods to the problem, and further because such 

 States are not usually suHiciently aroused as to the relation of research to state 

 development. On the other hand, the States having a large amount of unde- 

 veloped resources can readily see the advantage of development, and are so 

 moved by tlie prospect of assured ]irofit that they readily make approi^riations 

 for in\estigation and research as an investment, if not in the interest of science. 



(2) We lire well aware that there is a great diversity of interest shown among 

 the States. This interest has manifested itself in some cases by large and gen- 

 erous appropriations and in others by rather meager provision. There can be 

 no question a!)out the individual State's right, and I also believe of its duty, to 

 take ui) the developmental functions of government and give its own territory 

 most careful consideration. It is not that in the supjMirt of what we would term 

 "technical education," "industrial educati(ai." or perhaps better, "economic 

 education," the State will receive immediate returns upon its investment, for that 

 is not always true, but that in such long-time investment, calculated to jierpetuate 

 the resources of the State, and to keep the legacy of our fathers as valuable for 

 our clnldren as it has been for us. the State will find ample justification for its 

 expenditures. ;Men often debate the constitutionality of certain meastires. the 

 wisdom of them or the political effect of them, but when they have once l>een 

 made and men of a later period see the wisdom of such public enteri»rise, there is 

 little disposition to criticise the action. The present movement in agricultural 

 education has some immediate returns that are a justification, but the complete 

 justification will be at the hands of our children. It is worth our while to keep 

 clearly in mind that this expenditure nuist inevitably increase. I do not suggest 

 that it will increase with great rapidity, but tliat the increase of expenditure for 

 education will go with equal step with the increase of the efficiency of our civiliza- 

 tion. Indeed, civilization itself as it in-ogresses makes increasing demands upon 



