5 2 4 THE POPULAR SCIENCE MONTHLY. 



lishment. But that it is far more nearly allied to one of these than 

 it is to any political institution will not, I think, be seriously disputed. 



It is a joint-stock affair in which the tax-payers are the stockholders, 

 and to them substantially should the management of its business be 

 committed. I am aware that this proposition will be criticised as 

 undemocratic and anti-American, but I am none the less convinced 

 that it is logical and worthy of support. 



Subtract from the body of electors that element which would be 

 eliminated by the application of this principle, and such a dynasty as 

 that of Tweed and Sweeney in New York, McManes in Philadelphia, 

 and Carter Harrison in Chicago, would be an absolute impossibility. 



The substratum of all ring-rule in municipal affairs is that suffrage 

 which is subject to manipulation and purchase by adroit and unprin- 

 cipled managers, and which by artful appeals may be induced to re- 

 gard all property-owners as natural enemies. 



The present city government of Chicago owes its existence in a 

 large measure to the immunity that has been extended to gamblers, 

 thieves, tramps, thugs, and communists, who, in consequence of this 

 immunity, rally to the support of our present mayor at every election, 

 and resort to every species of fraud in his behalf. In return, they are 

 permitted to ply their nefarious vocations practically unmolested. 



No sane man doubts that the votes of the tax-payers of Chicago 

 would elect an entirely different class of city officers — officers who 

 would administer the government in the interests of good citizens 

 rather than in the interests of the criminal classes. This being ad- 

 mitted, is it possible that there can be any question as to which policy 

 ought to prevail ? 



I do not want to be understood as including the entire non-taxpay- 

 ing classes in one group, or as making any sweeping assertions which 

 would apply to them indiscriminately. On the contrary, I know very 

 well that many of them are among our best citizens, and entirely 

 worthy of the public confidence and respect. I would willingly con- 

 sent to any scheme which would put all good citizens in the voting 

 class, and all doubtful or unworthy citizens into the ranks of the non- 

 voters. I am, however, unable to devise any system which will more 

 nearly accomplish this than the one which I have suggested, and I am 

 unable to see how it works any hardship to any one. 



None of the rights or liberties of the non-tax-paying citizen would 

 be imperiled by his inability to vote at municipal elections. The 

 powers of the corporation can not be legitimately exercised to his 

 damage. If they are illegitimately so exercised, then the courts are 

 open to his protection, and will be found vastly more efficient for that 

 purpose than would be the power to vote. 



And why is it not safe as well as equitable to commit the manage- 

 ment of the business of the corporation to the stockholders — the tax- 

 payers ? They arc the parties most directly and positively interested. 



