WOMAN AND THE BALLOT. 241 



witliOTit religion and witliout morality. Prof. Li^geois, of the 

 Faculty of Law at Nancj'", has published a study of the case, in 

 which he endeavors to show that Mme. G was in all prob- 

 ability innocent, that Chambige hypnotized her in the parlor of 

 her own home on the morning of the day of her murder, and then 

 lured her to ruin and death by a posthypnotic suggestion. No 

 one, I think, who is at all acquainted with the possibilities of 

 suggestion will deny that Prof. Lidgeois's interpretation is within 

 the realm of possibility, and for my own part I am inclined to 

 regard it as more probable than the tale told by Chambige. If 

 the theory of suggestion had done no more than clear this young 

 wife's memory from the stain cast upon it by her murderer, it 

 would be worthy of serious consideration. 



To sum up, I believe, with Prof. Delboeuf, that the danger 

 from criminal suggestions, although real, is not much greater 

 than that arising from criminal dreams. It is known that crimes 

 have been committed by somnambulists as the result of the 

 dreams which possess and control them, but we do not regard the 

 fact as a reasonable ground of apprehension. We can not lay too 

 much stress upon the fact that the phenomena of hypnotic sug- 

 gestion, strange as they appear to the uninitiated, find their near- 

 est normal analogues in those of sleep and dreams, and are sub- 

 ject to much the same limitations. 



WOMAN AND THE BALLOT. 



By ALICE B. TWEED V. 



IF every man considered it a matter of conscience to give voice 

 in his vote to the feminine element in his household, it would 

 put another aspect upon the demand for woman suffrage. If, 

 after a family conclave, the husband, father, or brother quietly 

 pocketed his own conflicting opinion, sallied forth and supported 

 the measures favored by the home majority, what right-minded 

 woman could complain ? It would be merely an extension of the 

 main principle of republican government. Only those women 

 without male relatives would be unrepresented, and for them spe- 

 cial provision could be made. 



This hypothetical condition, however, is so far from fact that 

 it sounds facetious, and the picture of a household wherein a gen- 

 tle-minded man revises his sentiments to adequately set forth the 

 contrary views of his womankind seems altogether Utopian, yet 

 such a situation is one in which it might be justly claimed that 

 men were the actual political representatives of women. 



Some men there are, though rarissimcR aves, fair enough to 



