FUTrRK OF XATIVK RACKS OF S. KHOJ)KSIA, 13T 



we are less and less bound by every facile analogy founded on it. 

 We recognise that the evolutionary laws applicable to social 

 integrations are not entirel}' similar to those of the struggle of 

 species with species. We recognise, indeed, that for one race to 

 enslave, or systematically to exploit an inferior race, may possiblj" 

 react more unfavourably upon the exploiting race than upon the 

 exploited. After this the exploitation attitude appears merely 

 short-sighted and selfish, and a nation adopting it as a policy 

 would inevitably move steadily to decay. 



The second line of thought, the Complete Segregation Theory, 

 is more specious than sound. It is based on deep pessimism, 

 iind is a denial of the results of three thousand years of civilisa- 

 tion. It is a belief of hopeless negation, and, moreover, is put 

 out of court by the real impossibility of carrying out any policy 

 founded thereon. It is a chimera. To imagine that two virile 

 races could exist side by side without) any intermingling of ideas 

 and forces is to suppose that two gases in one vessel will not 

 mix; it is to imagine an absurdity, a thing that cannot be. 



We may mention, in passing, the opposite to the Segregation 

 Theory, namely, the Miscegenation Theorj^ which is believed by 

 some to hold the secret of the future of South Africa ; the theory 

 that the eventual outcome will be neither white nor black supre- 

 macy, but one all-embracing hvbrid race. This prospect appears 

 altogether repulsive, and is, I believe, without any foundation of 

 j)robability. No more need be said of it. 



We thus find ourselves forced back upon the policy many 

 will have adhered to in the first instance, namely, the gradual 

 elevation of the native to the conditions of existence of the 

 European. This, as I have said, must be implied in the saying 

 that everybody, black or white, has the right to rise to the highest 

 of which he is capable. Sir Wm. Beaumont, addressing the Natal 

 Native Affairs Eeform Association, put it thus: " The only sound 

 native policy we can adopt is the general advancement of the 

 natives industrially, socially, educationally, and politically, M'ith 

 as much freedom as is consistent with good order and govern- 

 ment. " A righteous desire to justify cur presence in this territory 

 and enlightened self-interest alike indicate that as the policy we 

 must adopt, and assume as being carried out, when we wish to 

 look into the future of the native races of Southern Ehodesia. 



The ideal of steady development of natives along the lines 

 of, and in a direction tending towards, European civilisation, 

 industrial, social, and political, must not blind us to the fact that 

 our civilisation at present rests on the undisputed supremacy of 

 the white man. 



I shall return to this point shorth^ 



Let us hark back a, little way, and cojisider the saying: 



Everybody, black or white, has the right to rise to the highest 



point of which he is capable." Now, what does the qualification, 



of which he is capable," imply? Here I come to extremely 



disputable ground. 



In the mind of the Eabour member of the Legislative Council 

 to whom I have referred, the qualification was evidently intended 

 to cover quite a lot. Perhaps I carnot do better than quote from 

 the debate : — 



