214 EELIGIOX OF THE BA-VEXJJA. 



inherited from lier mother just the same as the elder brother 

 has inherited the assagai of the father, and she approaches the 

 irritated feminine ancestor through the same rites. 



The use of the assagai of the forefathers in religious 

 ceremonies illustrates and corroborates the fundamental law 

 of Bantu society, viz., the law of precedence or hierarchy. 

 The elder son is the cliief of his younger brothers. He is 

 invested with full authority over them. Bantu social life 

 would be impossible if that law were not enforced, and religion 

 comes to the help of social life by stating that one cannot pray 

 to the gods witiiout passing through the ministration of the 

 elder brother. 



Suppose that two brothers have had a dispute. The 

 younger one wants to free himself from the tutelage of his 

 elder. He decides henceforth to make offerings to his ancestors 

 in his own village, on his own altar. Such an act is taboo I 

 He does not possess the sssagai of the ancestors; he is not 

 entitled to approach them. The bones, when consulted, will 

 tell him: " What? You have two altars, two stones in your 

 family? It is bad! Put that matter in order! " And the 

 younger brother Avill have to throw the stone of the altar 

 away, take water in his mouth, emit it with that sound 

 " Pha," and tell his ancestors : " I have abandoned my stone. 

 Abandon me also. Do not come any more to do me harm! 

 Go to my elder l)rother; he is the one who keeps your weapons. 

 He will treat yt)U Avell ! '" This intervention of the bones will 

 probably result in the reconciliation of the two brothers. 

 Should they even not meet at once, they will have to do it 

 at next harvest, at the feast of the first fruits, as we shall see. 



There is only one case in which a younger brother may 

 be allowed to establish an altar in his village : it is when he 

 is dwelling far away from his elder brother, and he cannot 

 be expected to go a long way to obtain his religious assist- 

 ance each time he viants it. But after the sacramental 

 " Pha," after having expressed his prayer, he will add these 

 words : " Go to those who held th.e assagai, they will give you 

 what you M'ant ! " 



I have repeatedly mentioned the stone of the altar. AVhat 

 is it? We meet here with a strange custom which I never 

 heard of amongst South African Bantu, except amongst the 

 Malemba, who are nearly related to the Yendas. That stone 

 is called an ox, as, indeed, it takes the place of an ox. When 

 a headman possesses cattle, he chooses one of liis best oxen and 

 calls it " Makhulu " (grandfather). This ox will represent 

 the gods in the midst of the village. It is no longer an ox; it is 

 a human being. That does not mean that the headman for 

 ever renounces the i)leasure of eating its meat. Yenda devo- 

 tion does not go so far ! It can be killed and eaten, but, in 

 that case, another will be consecrated to take its place. When 

 offering libations of beer, the headman will pour tlie liquid 

 on its back. Before eating the first sugar cane, he will go 

 at sunset to the sacred ox and oftVr it the inflorescence which 



