TWENTY-FIRST ANNUAL YEAR BOOK— PART VII 595 



tc the effect that the bill undertook to destroy and eliminate the powers 

 of the states. Senator Cummins came out in an interview on the sub- 

 ject in the Wall Street Journal in which he said there was no attempt 

 whatsoever to change that jurisdiction as it had previously existed. 

 Alexander Hamilton, at the time our constitution was being framed, 

 took the position that the greatest danger in the future would be that 

 the states would destroy the powers of the federal government; that it 

 would be very easy for them to grow stronger until they would weaken 

 and demoralize the central government if any conflict between the two 

 came up. Alexander Hamilton certainly misconceived the future. How- 

 ever, conditions at that time might have indicated that tendency. It 

 possibly took the Civil war to kill off that possibility. At the present 

 time the tendency is in the opposite direction, and I think this other 

 tendency is just as fundamentally wrong and unsound as the prior tend- 

 ency toward too much decentralization. (Applause). A government that 

 is close home, a government that reflects the wants and needs of the 

 local community, is going to live on; and, as I have said repeatedly be- 

 fore, I feel that the great distinguishing feature of our government is 

 the combination of the central power and local self-government. We 

 must preserve the two. That check-and-balance that we have created 

 on this continent is unique in all government history. Within even the 

 last few days I have noticed an account of developments in Prance to 

 the effect that at the present time the leaders are contemplating greater 

 autonomy, analogous to what we have in this country. I think you will 

 agree with me that if they had more federal government in the British 

 Empire, it would be on a sounder basis today, with the trouble they are 

 having with Ireland. And I believe that we should profit by experiences 

 of the past in our country and other countries, and preserve this. 



If the Interstate Commerce Commission decision stands, which they 

 are now rendering, entirely emasculating the powers of the state commis- 

 sions, it is up to you gentlemen to bring pressure on Senator Kenyon 

 and Senator Cummins and on our congressional representatives, and see 

 that the transportation act is amended. 



Seventh, with reference to the pooling of earnings. Originally there 

 was a provision of the law providing for the pooling of earnings. I think 

 that is incorrect. As long as the railroads are not permitted to pool their 

 earnings, their success and prosperity depending upon their own effi- 

 ciency, aren't you going to have a greater initiative? If they pool their 

 earnings, will not the effect be to relax in their struggle for personal 

 ascendance and development? That part of the bill was stricken out. 



Eighth, the extension of time for bringing action. We suggested 

 during the war period there was so much confusion that many claims had 

 piled up unsettled — persons really didn't know what would be the out- 

 come; the railroads couldn't attend to the settlement of claims; they had 

 too much else to attend to. We suggested that the war period should 

 be eliminated from the statute of limitations. Senator Cummins drafted 

 a provision of the measure along that line and it was enacted. 



Ninth, the joint use of rail and water facilities. That was a very 

 important phase of the bill that was to be transferred to the new trans- 

 portation board. It is taken from them and given to the Secretary of 



