ranges from tribal ceremonial to interpersonal ceremonial 
to hedonic. In this range of use, it differs from chimo, 
which is employed purely for pleasure, except in a very 
few cases. 
Accounts of making tobacco concentrate by the Kogi 
and their neighbors are neither numerous nor detailed. 
Rosa (54), whose general description of the Arhuaco 
of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta is both early and 
extensive, refers to the cultivation of tobacco yet does 
not describe its use as a concentrate. 
An early account by Brettes (13), who began to ob- 
serve the Kogi (he calls them the Kaggaba) in 1891 and 
published his report in 1908, describes the use of tobacco 
concentrate but not its manufacture. In fact, he seems 
not to have known exactly what it was. Brettes calls 
the mutual use of tobacco concentrate ‘‘the greeting 
machine’ and describes gourds with tops which contain 
‘ta sort of honey [or translation could be ‘syrup’ ] mixed 
with nicotine, called naot or mouat. . . . When two In- 
dians meet they first tell each other all the news each 
gathered on his journey. ... During the conversation 
the salute is made; it consists of this: (they first ex- 
change a few coca leaves, putting them into each other's 
bag). X takes his container of honey and nicotine and 
gives it to Z. Z gives his to X. The two open the con- 
tainers, rapidly put the end of a finger two or three times 
into the honey, put their fingers into their mouths, close 
the containers and return them.” 
That this ‘Shoney and nicotine’ of Brettes is the 
tobacco concentrate under discussion is borne out by 
Mason’s (48) description of the Arhuaco use of tobacco 
concentrate. In referring to the meeting and exchange 
of gourds, however, he says the tobacco mixture is only 
touched to the lips and that frequently the men simply 
go through the motions. 
( 32 ] 
