ical control of the state rested with the Repubhcan 

 Party; and the Democrats were divided into two 

 major factions, neither having much vitaHty, con- 

 cerned with httle more than the distribution of 

 Federal patronage. No established party spoke for 

 the great body of citizens, or represented the under- 

 current of agricultural discontent. 



To the young lawyer from Illinois, just entering 

 partnership with Adolphus Talbot late in the year 

 1887, the explosive potentialities of Nebraska politics 

 may not have been evident. Yet great opportunities 

 for political leadership existed among the discon- 

 tented country folk and younger members of the 

 Democratic Party who were unrecognized and dis- 

 satisfied by the old party organization.^- Carrying 

 a letter of introduction to J. Sterling Morton, the 

 "Sage of Arbor Lodge" and the most eminent 

 Nebraska Democrat, Bryan quickly joined the Mor- 

 ton faction of the party. Within six months of his 

 arrival in Nebraska, he was corresponding with state 

 Democrats and discussing national issues such as the 

 tariff. There is evidence that the newcomer was 

 already in touch with Democrats who were dissatisfied 

 with the old state machine. ^^ With both presidential 

 and congressional elections in the ofting 1888 was a 

 promising year, and Bryan was ready to test his 

 political skills in the new environment. 



The Nebraska campaign of 1888 followed a familiar 

 pattern. Both parties set out to generate public 

 interest and enthusiasm through the organization of 

 local clubs, political marching societies with brass 

 bands, and even women's political clubs. ^^ In the 

 larger communities, such as Omaha, each ward 

 had its various organizations, its leaders and its 

 orators, but outside of the cities, on the thinly 

 settled prairies, party organization was not so easy 

 a task. Most of the prairie hamlets were too tiny 

 to support permanent political organizations, and 



more than a little success. Not one adverse act was passed 

 while I was there." 



<- Hicks, op. cit. (footnote 41), chs. 3-6; Coletta. op. cit. 

 (footnote 40); Robert V. Supple, "The Political Rise of 

 William Jennings Bryan from 1888 to the Nomination for the 

 Presidency by the Democratic Party in 1896" (doctoral disserta- 

 tion, New York University, New York: 1951). 



*' Bryan papers, letter from J. L. McDonough, Ord, 

 Nebraska, to Bryan, March 3, 1888. 



** Several Nebraska cities had Frances Cleveland Clubs, 

 composed of young single women, who wore special clothing 

 and sashes, marched in parades, and cheered at Democratic 

 rallies. See, for example, Omaha Daily Herald, September 21, 

 1888. 



many of them did not ha\e populations large enough 

 even to man temporary Democratic or Republican 

 clubs. For the rural people, isolated on their 

 farms and kept at home by the unceasing burden of 

 agricultural toil, there was virtually no opportunity 

 for direct participation in political affairs. Nebraska's 

 problems were typical of 19th-century American 

 politics — the need to develop the political machinery 

 of a mass democracy under the conditions of a 

 scattered, decentralized population. 



Nebraska's political parties used two major tech- 

 niques in mobilizing their supporters: in one form 

 of party gathering they attempted to bring large 

 groups of the rural population together at some 

 central point; or, if this could not be done, the parties 

 sent orators "to the people" in their prairie hamlets, 

 drumming up enthusiasm and interest for candidates 

 and party programs. Many "grand demonstrations," 

 "enthusiastic rallies," and "pole raising" ceremonies 

 took place in Nebraska during the summer of 1888. 

 Like other social and cultural events on the prairies- 

 camp meetings, chautauquas, and county fairs — 

 these gatherings offered to farm families who could 

 spare the time and expense a brief escape from their 

 work, an interlude of excitement and novelty in an 

 otherwise monotonous life. Similarly, for town 

 dwellers who could more readily take part in these 

 affairs, politics offered drama and variety in the 

 everyday round of activities. Political rallies were 

 often scheduled to take place in connection with 

 some other public occasion — a county fair, for ex- 

 ample, or simply a small-town Saturday, when the 

 streets were crowded with shoppers and loungers. 

 Sometimes, local party organizations arranged for 

 special trains, hired at reduced rates, to bring large 

 groups of the party faithful to swell attendance at 

 their rallies. Typical of this sort of gathering was 

 "the most enthusiastic demonstration of the season 

 in northwestern Nebraska," at the town of Gordon, 

 far out in the sparsely settled prairies: 



The Gordon democrats have been arranging for the 

 past week or more for a glorious blow-out and ratifica- 

 tion of the nomination of Cleveland and Thurman, and 

 they are surely having it. A special train from the west 

 brought in large delegations from Rushville, Chadron, 

 and Hay Springs to join in the celebration. The town 

 is elaborately decorated with flags and bandanas. The 

 speakers' stand, located at the intersection of the two 

 principal streets, is surrounded by a dense crowd of 

 eager listeners."*' 



Ibid., July 15. \i 



56 



BULLETIN 24 1: CONTRIBUTIONS FROM THE MUSEUM OF HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 



