THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION. 1*79 



Congress, but to accept the conclusions of that Congress as the voice 

 of the nation. What higher proof could there be of the unknown 

 strength of union? I say the indnown strength of the sentiment of 

 union, because that Congress contemplated nothing more than " asso- 

 ciation''^ (as it was termed) in a policy of non-importation and non- 

 exportation. When the Congress of 1774 adjourned, it was a coiitingent 

 adjournment, leaving it to be determined by the course events might 

 take whether the colonies would again be found acting in concert. The 

 plan of confederation proposed by Franklin in 1775 looked to no dura- 

 tion beyond the continuance of the obnoxious acts of Parliament ; and 

 even alter the war began, and the continental army was formed, perpe- 

 tuity of union appears not to have formed part of the plan of operations. 

 It was not until the wearied patience of the people was worn out, and 

 the aggrieved sense of freedom driven to the Iflst resort, that the coali- 

 tion of the colonies began to assume the aspect of permanence. Then, 

 and not till then, it became apparent what had long been the tendency 

 of things touching the relation between those distinct communities. 

 Together they had sought redress for their grievances ; together they 

 had declared their rights ; they appealed, petitioned, remonstrated 

 together ; and when they encountered the same repulse and the same 

 disappointment, they '■'•associated''' under solemn pledges, "the sacred 

 ties of virtue, honor, and love of country," for a combined pacific re- 

 sistance. At length, when all had failed, and they saw that the hour had 

 come for the last appeal, they bowed down together in " public humili- 

 ation, fasting, and prayer," and, with hearts thus fortified, they stood 

 prepared to face the common danger. It was one war to all. Blood 

 was soon shed ; and that blood, poured out for the common cause of 

 all, was the seal of union. Further, when hostilities had been, con^ 

 tinned for more than a year, and it became manifest that the war was 

 ineffectual as a means of mere colonial redress, the process wiiich 

 established national existence was at the same time the consummation 

 of union. The colonies, winch found themselves in a state of revolu- 

 tionary anarchy, instead of hurrying to separate action, deliberately 

 sought the advice of the whole country as it might be given by Con- 

 gress. They sought and they followed that guidance. This was union. 

 When the final and formal act of independence came, it w^as done by 

 all and for all. That was union. Therefore, th.ere is, I think, no pro- 

 position in our constitutional history clearer, simpler, truer than this, 

 that Union is our country. 



In conclusion, permit me to say, that I fear I have exposed m}' self to 

 some condemnation for rashness in attempting to treat so large a subject 

 within such limited space. I have had it most at heart to show how, 

 during a very long period of time, there has been a tendency of events 

 proving a providential purpose in the establishment of the Union. 

 However the feelings of men may differ in respect for antiquity, what 

 mind can refuse to recognise a claim for all that can be given of 

 thoughtful, affectionate, and dutiful loyalty to that which for our good 

 was achieved by more than human agency working through centuries.. 

 For the Constitution of the United States you ma}^ carry 3'our debt of 

 gratitude to the memory of that assembly of sages and statesmen who 

 in convention constructed the Constitution. The debt of gratitude for 



