210 PROCEEDINGS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY. 



clause to bemused with a present in the main clause, as in 2, 2 : eVaSi) 8e 



tyappr)Ti)(os r]6i\rjue elh'evai onives yevo'uiTO TrpcoTui, ano tovtov vopi(ovcn <&pvyas 



■n-fjorepovs yeveadai ioovrwu, k.t.X, ; i. e., " since the time when . . . they have 

 believed." The present is thus used in the main clause in 1, 27, 58, 196; 

 2, 2; 3, 49, 117, 117 2 ; 4, 118. In 2, 15, the infinitive ehai is thus 

 used. In two passages a present of this kind is used both in the main 

 and the subordinate clauses ; 3, 117 : eneiTe be nepcnu e'xovai to Kparos, ecTTi 

 [tovto to ne8iov~] tov (3ao-i\e'os ; aud 2, 98 : tovto 8e -yiVercu e'£ oaov iuo 

 llepcrijo-i e'aTi A'lyvTTTOS. 



An interesting passage is found in 7, Sa : cos yap eyco nwddvopai twv 

 TTp(CTi3vTepcov, oiiSapd ku> r]Tpepio-apev, entire napeXaftopev tijv rjyepnvirjv Tr/vde 

 . . . eyco Se eVeirc TrapeXa^ov tov Opovov tovtov, e(ppovTi£ou okoos pt) Xei\j/opcu. 



k.t.X. The first eneiTe here means " since " (quo ex tempore), and the aorist 

 TjTpepio-apev* is used in the same way as the present in the sentences just 

 quoted. The second eVctre also means " since," and e$p6vTi(ov likewise 

 expresses unity of time, i. e., " since I took the throne I have not ceased 

 to consider," etc. The perfect of unity of time is found in 4, 7 



(yeyovacri). f 



A glance at the statistical summary below will show that the present 

 and the perfect indicative, used of particular action, and expressing the 

 present sphere of time only, occur but infrequently. They are found 

 only in these places : present, lv co, 1, 164 ; 4, 139 ; eW, 3, 134; 6Ve, 9, 

 122 ; eo-Te, 7, 171 ; perfect, enei, 5, 84 (infinitive) ; omS^, 4, 118 ; 7, 160, 

 158. A moment's reflection will show that, as was pointed out by 

 Hultsch,$ the perfect is not likely to occur in strictly historical narra- 

 tive ; its proper place is in direct address, either of a character in the 

 narrative or of the author direct to his readers. The perfect indicative 

 (or infinitive in oratio obliqua = indicative) occurs in temporal clauses 

 in the usa^e above stated, only in clauses of antecedence ; in each of 

 these cases it is found in a speech reported either directly, 7, 160 (re- 

 Tpayjsai), and 7, 158 (irepi.eXr]Xvde and dwiKTai) ; or indirectly, 4, 118 (/care- 

 o-TpairTai), and 5, 84 (eo-Teprjo-dai). In each case also there is a distinct tone 

 of remonstrance or displeasure. 



If we exclude vepeo-dm after ears, 7, 171, where the sentence structure is 

 not normal, § the present indicative, used in the manner above described, 

 occurs only in clauses of contemporaneity, as the list above shows. In 



* The perfect of arpe/j.i(ic seems not to be found in classical Greek. Cf. Gilder- 

 sleeve, Syntax, 248, 1. 



t Cf. Gildersleeve, Syntax, 203. J Op. cit., p. 458. § Cf. above, p. 206. 



