8 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 87 



2\Iy parents continued to care for us.' My mother did all the cook- 

 ing," but my husband's meals were always taken to our own tipi. This 

 was for me to do. My mother and my husband were not allowed in 

 the same tipi at the same time.^ My mother took especial care that 

 my husband received the best portion of food. My husband's duty 

 was to look after the horses and do all the work that was required of 

 a man. 



We had our first child after we had been married a year. It was 

 at this time that I began really to love my husband. He always treated 

 me with respect and kindness. We had eight children before he died. 

 The first decorated tipi I made was after I had had my fourth child.^ 

 Of course when I was a girl my mother permitted me to look on when 



^ jMatrilocal residence is attested for the Cheyenne by both Grinnell (loc. cit., 

 vol. I, p. 91) and Mooney (with the quahfication "not always"; see his The 

 Cheyenne Indians, Mem. Amer. Anthrop. Assoc, vol. i. pt. 6, pp. 410, 411, 1907). 

 It is confirmed by my own field-work. Matrilocal residence is a very different 

 thing from exogamy with female descent. This last is claimed for the Cheyenne 

 by Grinnell : see his Social Organization of the Cheyennes, Proc. Internat. Cong. 

 Americanists for 1902, pp. 135-146, New York, 1905; The Cheyenne Indians, 

 vol. I, pp. 90 et seq., New Haven, 1923 ; per contra see Clark, W. P., The Indian 

 sign language, p. 229, Philadelphia, 1885 [Mooney's reference to p. 235 also, is due 

 to some error] ; Mooney, J., The Ghost Dance religion, 14th Ann. Rep. Bur. 

 Amer. Ethnol, p. 956, 1896; Mooney, J., Kiowa calendar, 17th Ann. Rep. Bur. 

 Amer. Ethnol., p. 227, 1898 ; Mooney, J., The Cheyenne Indians, Mem. Amer. 

 Anthrop. Assoc, vol. i, pt. 6, pp. 408-410, 1907. I do not think it can be said that 

 Grinnell has successfully contested Mooney's strictures. My own field-work 

 among the Cheyenne (beginning in 191 1) confirms Mooney's position by state- 

 ments of informants and genealogies. I wonder if Grinnell's informants may not 

 have had Crow blood and thus given a wrong impression, for the Crow are 

 organized in exogamic groups with female descent. In justice to Grinnell it should 

 be noted that he expressly states that " evidence of a clan system is not 

 conclusive." 



^ For other courtesies shown by a Cheyenne mother-in-law to her son-in-law, 

 see Grinnell, The Cheyenne Indians, vol. i, pp. 146, 147, New Haven, 1923. 



' Though this particular avoidance is only implied by Grinnell, loc. cit. 

 vol. I, p. 147, there is no doubt that it was institutional among the Cheyenne : 

 the same thing occurs among the Assiniboin, Blackfoot, Gros Ventre, and prob- 

 ably elsewhere : see E. T. Denig, Indian Tribes of the Upper Missouri, 46th 

 Ann.. Rep. Bur, Amer. Ethnol., p. 511, 1930; Kroeber, A., Ethnology of the 

 Gros Ventre, Anthrop. Papers Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. i, pt. 4, p. 180, 1908 ; 

 Wissler, C, The social life of the Blackfoot Indians, Anthrop. Papers Amer. 

 Mus. Nat, Hist., vol. 7, pt. i, pp. 12, 13, 191 1. 



* Four is the " holy " number among the Cheyenne. See Dorsey, G. A., The 

 Cheyenne, I, Ceremonial organization. Field Columbian Mus. Pub!. 99, Anthrop. 

 Ser., vol. 9, no. i, pp. i, 3, 5, 7, 10, 11, 12, 16, 19, 20, 23, 28, 32. 33, 1905 ; II, The 

 Sun Dance, Field Columbian Mus. Publ. 103, Anthrop. Ser., vol. 9, no. 2, pp. 60, 

 63, 91, 96, 99, 100, 144, 159, etc., 1905 ; Grinnell, loc cit., vol. 2. pp. 197, 205, 

 214, 227, 228, 229, 236, 237, 245, 251, 257, 288, 289, 291, 292, 297, 321, etc. ; Alooney, 



