WHOLE VOL. ARAUCANIAN CHILD LIFE — HILGER 167 



carried all remaining personal belongings of the deceased there to be 

 burnt — something which was not done in Alepue area. 



To alleviate loneliness and sorrow, relatives often stay with a be- 

 reaved family during the night following burial. Persons who sor- 

 rowed over the loss of a loved one might be heard to give a moan or be 

 seen to fill up with tears for some time after death, "so long as the loss 

 is keenly felt. At the grave our women often weep bitterly." Inform- 

 ants were certain that never were there any demonstrations of mourn- 

 ing, such as scarification, cutting the hair, sacrificing the joint of a 

 finger, changing clothing, or refraining from wearing silver jewelry. 

 Not uncommonly a man or a woman marries within a month after 

 the death of a partner, probably because of the levirate. "My sister 

 married the brother of her deceased husband a month after her hus- 

 band's death." 



Not infrequently, at present, Chilean mourning customs are fol- 

 lowed : marriage is delayed for a year, black is worn by the women, 

 and a black band around one arm by the men. In Coiiaripe, a 26-year- 

 old woman whose mother died in November 1946 expected to mourn 

 for a year by not wearing her earrings or Araucanian silver ornaments, 

 or ribbons in her hair. She was letting her hair hang down her back 

 in two braids tied together. "But this is copied from the Chileans." 



TRIBAL GOVERNMENT 

 POLITICAL UNIT AND THE CACIQUE 



When questioned as to the type of early government, informants 

 found it difficult to think the matter through ; from information col- 

 lected, the pattern cannot be reconstructed. 



Cooper gives as major features of the former political system the 

 following (1946, pp. 724-725) : 



There was no peacetime over-all chief, no centralization of authority for all 

 the Mapuche-Huilliche in any one individual or administrative body. Further- 

 more, such authority as was vested in kinship heads and local "chiefs" was very 

 limited — exclusively or almost exclusively consultative and persuasive, with little 

 or no coercive power. They had no recognized right to inflict punishment, to 

 claim tribute or personal service, or to demand obedience from their kinsfolk or 

 "subjects." The latter paid no attention to them and did as they pleased if the 

 leaders showed themselves arrogant or domineering. Headmen or "chiefs" sent 

 their messages through heralds (werken) chosen for dependability and for 

 accuracy of memory (Guevara Silva, 1908, pp. 370-374). 



Supreme military commanders in important campaigns or in general uprisings 

 against the Spaniards were usually elected in open assembly by choice of the 

 leaders, but kinship heads and other "chiefs" were as a general rule hereditary. 

 On the death of such a kinship head or "chief," his eldest or most capable son 



