TWENTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS, 1843-1845. 315 



and he believed there was an establishment somewhere in town here 

 which bore upon its sign "The National Plating House!" Now, as to 

 the formation of a societ}^ for the increase and diffusion of knowledge, 

 that was well enough; but he did not want to see these things take a 

 literary and scientific name for the purpose of thrusting their hands 

 into the Treasury. He did not want to see corporations of men under 

 high-sounding titles, and professing beneficial objects, formed in this 

 capital with a view to enter into the control of public funds. He saw 

 no reason why we should not give the control of this fund to some 

 literary institution in Philadelphia or Boston with as much propriety 

 as to the National Institute. 



The Constitution did not give us charge of the mind and genius of 

 the American people. It was the privilege of a despot, not of a free 

 government, to control the mind and direct the genius of the people; 

 and he wished to see no institution for that purpose established in the 

 capital of the United States, by which the American people are to 

 think, and read, and speak. Gentlemen were mistaken if the}'^ imag- 

 ined that, because such institutions exist in France and other parts of 

 Europe, they were doing a service to the American people in under- 

 taking to pursue the same course in this country, or under our Gov- 

 ernment. Our Government is the creature of the public mind, and 

 not the creator. In Europe, where monarchies, crowns, and thrones 

 sustain themselves by controlling the thoughts of the people, it is 

 different; but our Government stands upon the thoughts of the people, 

 and is controlled by them. We have no right to presume that the 

 people are so ignorant that we ought to legislate for enlightening them. 

 We are here to receive their instructions, not to impart instruction to 

 them. It is no part of our duty to do so. It is presumption in us to 

 assume the duty. 



On these grounds, and others which Mr. Allen enforced with great 

 energ}^, he not only opposed the amendment, but signified his intention 

 of voting against the whole project. 



Mr. R. J. Walker said that, on this occasion, he was likely to be 

 placed in a small minority. In relation to the denunciation which the 

 Senate had just heard upon this floor of the National Institute, and the 

 charge that it commenced out of a desire to monopolize the Smithsonian 

 fund, he need only to say that it commenced long before that fund was 

 received. It originated with a distinguished member of the Cabinet of 

 Mr. Van Buren, now in honorable retirement; and from no individual 

 did it receive more encouragement, or stronger marks of approbation, 

 than from ex-President Van Buren himself, by numerous valuable 

 presents, and by every other means in which he could manifest his 

 regard. He [Mr. Walker] thought, therefore, notwithstanding the 

 difference of opinion between his friend from Massachusetts [Mr. 

 Choate] and his friend from New Hampshire [Mr. Woodbury] as to 



