90 



proportion of third votes on transferred papers, as existed on the 

 whole 1800 X Y papers. In the distribution of Y's surplus of 

 400 it would then be sufficient to make a calculation on the basis 

 of the pajcrs transferred frcrn Xto Y. It may be interesting to 

 note that the distribution of Y's surplus might also be determined 

 by reference (1) to the third votes on the whole of X's original 

 papers ; (2) to the third votes on the total number of X's original 

 papers taken together with the sr eond votes on the total number 

 of Y's original papers ; (3) to the third votes of the whole elec- 

 torate. The evils of complexity form an answer to the arguments 

 by which these alternatives can be supported. Any proposal to 

 effect a distribution by reference to third votes on the whole elec- 

 torate is open to an additional objection ; it would give an undue 

 influence to electors voting according to prescribed ticket. The 

 objection would appiy with peculiar force to any proposal to 

 distribute surpluses arising as a result of the first count in a 

 proportion determined by reference to the second votes on the 

 whole electorate. 



In conclusion, I crave your indulgence, while directing your 

 attention to the dreaded reproach of innovation. Professor 

 Freeman has observed how often those great reforms, which mark 

 the progress of our race, have involved a return to the traditions, 

 institutions, or ideas of an earlier time. The barons who wrung 

 from a reluctant monarch the Great Charter of our liberties, only 

 sought to record and to secure the acknowledged birthrights of 

 Englishmen. The Parliament of De Montfort was a device for 

 restoring the freedom of the Teuton. For the primitive assembly 

 of the tribe there was substituted the Representative Parliament 

 of a nation ; for appearance in person the new conditions re- 

 quired an appearance through chosen deputies. Yet the great 

 principle of the right of the people to share in the work of 

 Government underlay both institutions. Thus it happened that 

 the privileges which English forefathers had enjoyed in the 

 forest of Ancient Germany, but which had been sacrificed in the 

 process of migration and national consolidation, were to be regained 

 in the great and painful crises of a later century. 



If we consider the characteristics of the Hare system in 

 connection with the Parliament of the thirteenth century, I 

 believe we shall arrive at a startling conclusion. Mr Hare sought 

 to introduce an organic element into our system of representation. 

 The new constituencies were designed to be united by allegiance 

 to one object, to be animated by one spirit. I believe that 

 here again in the history of our race, we may discover, under the 

 semblance of innovation, the reality of an ancient practice. This 

 is no place to justify &uch a generalisation by an adequate induction 

 from the facts of mediaeval history. Yet the interest and the 

 importance of the enquiry may justify an illustration of its mean- 

 ing. In the first place, the mediaeval Parliament respresented the 

 estates of the realm — the Clergy, the Baronage, and the Commons. 

 These were not arbitrary divisions of the State, but organic 

 parts of .the Nation. The means by which they acquired the reality 

 and the consciousness of internal cohesion, form one of the most 

 engrossing chapters in the national annals. The facts of history 

 lend no encouragement to the suggestion of a residuary class 

 jn the estate of the Commons. The third estate represented tno 



