162 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA 



The plan they agreed to submit for the oonsideration of the Provinces is 

 set out in detail, and occupied consdderable spaxx. I will notUce the leading 

 IKJrtions. 



The Canadas, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island and 

 Newfoundland, to be joined in a Federal Union under the name of British North 

 America— with a Secretary and offlce in Downing Street— and a Vice-Regent 

 and a Federal Legislature. 



Each Province to have its local Legislature, the Legislative Council to be 

 elected. 



The Federal Government to be vested in a Viceroy or Governor-General— a 

 Legislative Council appointed by the Crown, or elected by the Leg-islature of the 

 Provinces for six years, one-third returning every second year — and an Assem- 

 bly chosen by the Provincial Legislatures from their own members, by a special 

 election — a deputation of memibers from the Legislative Council, and from the 

 House of Assembly to have seats in the House of Commons. 



The powers of the General Government were to be the imposition of 

 taxes, duties and iimports, which wiould be uniform throughooit thie Province 

 — to assume and pay the debts of the sevei-al Provinces, and provide for the 

 peace and welfare of the Union — to establish uniform commercial relations 

 between the different Provinces and foreign countries, not repugnant lo the 

 laws of the United Kingdom — determine disputes — regulate navigation of 

 the rivers and lakes — promote internal Improvements — regulate post-office, 

 militia, &c. A Supreme Count, being also a Court of Appeals, &c., &c. A 

 subsequent resolution passed against the election of the Legislative Council. 



Here is presented a scheme of confedjeratio.n, evidently prepared with 

 care, and worthy of consideration, which it is to be regretted had not 

 been pressed upon the notice of the different Provinces. 



I turn next. Sir, to a significant and pregnanf example drawn from the 

 history of the United States, after their independence, of thie necessity of an 

 Union of an energetic character, for the prosperity and ajdvancetmenit of com- 

 munities bearing many resiemblances to the British North American 

 Provinces — and if history be philosophy teaching the example, the lesson will 

 (probably be not uninstructive. 



Examine the condition and prosperity of the States collectively after 

 the peace that ensured their independence, and we are presented with a 

 lamentable picture of national weakness — both material and moral. 



Look at their present national greatness. Then trace the causes of each 

 result and we can, I think, be at no loss to make the application to our 

 present subjiect. 



Language could scarcely be stronger than that used to describe the 

 ruinous effects of the weakness of the confederation that bound the States 

 together after the peace — as may be seen on reference 'to Marshall's Life of 

 Washington, from which I quote on this point : — 



Washington earnestly deprecated these consequernces, and urged as the 

 only remedy increased confederative powers. He *elt very strongly this 

 necessity In relation to the commercial arrangements necessary for the 

 national interests, and the redemption of debts contracted during the war, 

 essential for the national honor. " America," he said, " must appear in a 

 very contemptible point of view to those with whom she is endeavoring to 

 form commercial treaties, without possessing the means of carrying them 

 Into effect " ; and in other aspects of the case his expressions are not less 

 forcible. 



Lafayette, the friend of America and of Washington gives the opinion 

 entertained In Europe : — 



" I liave often," he says, " had the mortification to hear that the want 

 of power In Congress, of Union between the States, of energy in the Govern- 

 jnemt, would make the Confederation very insignificant." 



