ON POLITICAL SCIENCE. 7 



early times of English history. It was asserted, for instance, in all times, that represent- 

 ation and taxation must go together — that those who pay must vote the taxes. The G-reat 

 Charter did not strictly give any new privileges to the people, but was rather an assertion 

 of rights always claimed by the people, or of principles that lay at the foundation of 

 English civil life, but which had fallen into disuse or been purposely evaded or infringed 

 by the kings in the course of years. " Magna Charta," said Sidney,' " was not made to 

 restrain the absolute authority, for no such thing was in being or pretended (the folly of 

 such visions seeming to have been reserved to complete the misfortunes and ignominy of 

 our age) ; but it was lo assert the natural and original liberty of our nation by the confession 

 of the king then being that neither he nor his successors should in any way encroach 

 upon them." 



In studying, then, the civil and common law of the two races who are labouring to 

 build up a new England on the northern half of this continent, we must do it, not from 

 the purely legal standpoint of a practising lawyer, but rather in the spirit of a philosophic 

 historian desirous of following the influences of systems of law on the social customs, the 

 usages of the people and the structure of government. As I have already shown you, the 

 historical method can be as well aj^plied to the study of law as to other subjects that fall 

 within the domain of Political Science. The thoughtful student will in this way be able 

 to trace the steady growth of principles adapted to the ever varying conditions of society. 



It is well observed by an eminent writer in a recent issue of an English review that 

 "jurisprudence itself has become a study of the living growth of human society through 

 all its stages, but it is no longer possible for law to be dealt with as a collection of rules 

 imposed on societies as it may be by accident, nor for the resemblances and differences of 

 the laws of diflfeient societies to be regarded as casual." - 



I quote this suggestive paragraph to show you the wide scope of the studies that 

 must enter into any course such as I hope will be sooner or later carried out in connec- 

 tion with all our universities. 



Or, consider one moment how necessary it is to study the principles of international 

 law. It will be said that Canada is still a colony, and has no right to make treaties and 

 enter into relations directly with foreign powers. But the time has already arrived 

 when this study has become important. 



As a result of the very liberal system of self-government granted to Canada, and in 

 consequence of the great territorial expansion she has attained as one of the most 

 important consequences of this self-government, the Dominion has assumed the propor- 

 tions of an Empire. It has commercial relations with many countries, and our statesmen 

 are now stimulating rapid steamship communication with Europe and Asia. The dream 

 of La Salle, on the banks of his seigniory at Lachine, to find a shorter route to the riches 

 of Cathay, is being realized in this dependency, not of the France he loved, but of her 

 hereditary enemy. Or, consider the situation of Canada on the borders of a colossal 

 republic, which constantly gives rise to questions affecting the relations of the two 

 nations. For instance, we have seen of recent years important international c^uestions 

 arising out of the fishery dispute. All these matters involve négociations of a delicate 



' Sidney on Government, c. 3, sec. 27. 



■■' " Sir H. Maine antl his Work," by Sir F. Pollock, Contemporary Review, I'ebniary, ISSt). 



